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Full text of "Military affairs in North America, 1748-1765 : selected documents from the Cumberland papers in Windsor Castle"

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Edited by 

Assistant Professor of History 
Yale University 

IN this important volume are presented doc' 
uments and original maps which have a 
direct bearing on the military affairs in North 
America between 1748 and 1765, selected 
from the rich collection of Cumberland Pa- 
pers and Maps in the Royal Archives. Se- 
lected for inclusion here are those papers 
which have real value for the military historian 
and which have previously been comparatively 
inaccessible to scholars. Although the docu- 
ments have to do primarily with the military 
situation in the American war arena in the 
mid-eighteenth century, some of them shed 
light on other important matters, such as the 
question of colonial currency, the Pennsylvania 
dispute, Western problems after the peace, et 
cetera. Supplementing the selections are an 
introduction and explanatory footnotes. Six 
maps are included among the documents. 






Ubc Bmerican UMstorical association 



i 748- i 765 
















It is with the gracious permission of His Late Majesty King George V 
that I print these selected documents and reproduce these original 
maps from the rich collection of Cumberland Papers and Maps in the 
Royal Archives. To Mr. O. Morshead, Librarian of the Royal Archives, 
I am deeply indebted for his many kindnesses to me, and I am under 
especial obligations to Miss M. Mackenzie of the Division of Manu- 
scripts and her staff. Her patience with me for several years past has been 
no less extraordinary than the care with which she has supervised the 
transcribing of documents. For their helpful suggestions and aid I 
should like to thank Dr. J. C. Webster of Canada, Miss Norma Cuthbert 
of the Huntington Library, Professor Leonard W. Labaree, and Pro- 
fessor Roy F. Nichols, chairman of the Beveridge Fund Committee of 
the American Historical Association. I owe much to the former chairman 
of that committee, Professor Ulrich B. Phillips, who will not see the 
book he encouraged me to compile. Finally I should express my grati- 
tude to those friends of the late Senator Albert J. Beveridge who, by 
establishing the Beveridge Fund in his memory, made possible this 
New Haven, Conn. S. P. 




Introduction ix 

List of Documents xxiii 

List of Maps xxxi 

The Documents 3 

Appendix I. Calendar of Additional Documents .... 473 

Appendix II. A Proportion of Brass Ordnance, Howitzers 
and Stores for the Intended Expedition to North 
America 479 

Index 489 


William Augustus, Duke of Cumberland (1721-1765), the second son 
of George II, from whose private papers the documents in this book 
are selected, was captain general of the British army from 1745 to 1757. 
Highest ranking officer in the military hierarchy, his business dealt with 
everything which concerned the running of the army as an effective mili- 
tary unit, with the selection and promotions of its officers, with its 
discipline and drill, with the coordination of the various departments 
and boards which equipped, supplied, clothed, transported, mustered, 
paid, and quartered it. His connection with America, therefore, was 
with those units of the army which served there. A shadowy and incom- 
petent figure he has appeared to most writers on the war in the colonies; 
these documents give the range of his interests and the extent of his 

Cumberland's involved position in the administration and govern- 
ment of his day needs to be understood before even his American papers 
can be rightly read. His tenure of his office marks one of the more in- 
teresting stages in the working-out in Great Britain of the constitutional 
adjustments between civil and military, which are for any state com- 
plicated, delicate, and important. While clearly to be decided in favor 
of the civil, especially after the administrative changes of 1855 and 1870, 
the issue was not finally settled until the army reforms of 1904. Through- 
out the eighteenth century the primary question involved was intensified 
by the nature of the constitution and by Parliament's exaggerated fear 
of a standing army. In Cumberland's time it was well understood that, 
to be efficient and fit to meet Continental troops, an army needed a 
unified, professional command, with a control over choice and pro- 
motion of officers completely free from the demands of political patron- 
age. But Parliament refused to assign such authority to any one but the 
King, who, bound as he was by constitutional restrictions, seemed the 
only safe head. The army, therefore, became the King's especial con- 
cern. But in practice the King found it impossible to divorce his func- 
tions as head of the army and as head of the executive. His ministers 
depended upon every shred of patronage at his disposal to maintain his 
majority in Parliament. So after Ormonde's impeachment, when the post 
of captain general lapsed, inevitably military appointments came more 



and more to be dictated by the secretary of state. When the Jacobite 
rebellion and the war on the Continent made necessary the reestablish- 
ment of a supreme command, Cumberland's appointment seemed to as- 
sure both the maintenance of the Hanoverian line and the military 
efficiency demanded by the war. Continued after the peace of 1748, his 
office became an immediate target for the same kind of attack as before. 
Pelham had to defend it against violent parliamentary criticism in 1751. 
He called it a post of dignity and not of power. He meant that with 
regard to promotion and employment of officers Cumberland possessed 
only the privilege of recommending, either directly to the King or 
through his ministers, and that with regard to the administration of the 
army, as distinct from its command, responsible civil ministers con- 
tinued control. In the hands of the secretary at war, a civil minister with 
access to the King, were all matters concerning the financing of the army 
and the relations between the army and the civil population, such as re- 
cruiting, quartering, and marching of troops. The judge advocate gen- 
eral reviewed courts-martial; the Ordnance Board, a civil department, 
had charge of munitions. In theory, then, and such was Pelham's de- 
fense, enough limitations were imposed upon the captain general to 
keep him powerless under constitutional control. 

But in the arena of practical politics many circumstances combined 
to force Cumberland into a position which seemed to men like Hard- 
wicke and Pitt to challenge the adjustments of the constitution. He 
had unusual ability. Of the impression his incisive mind left on those 
he met, it is enough to recall Horace Walpole's remark that Cumber- 
land was one of five great men he had known. He was the King's 
trusted son, and his father tended to give him a confidence enjoyed 
by no minister since Sir Robert Walpole. And because his rank was 
royal, he became in spite of himself the nucleus around which a parlia- 
mentary faction might grow. That faction, over a ten-year period, be- 
came formidable. It included men as vigorous as Bedford, Halifax, 
and Henry Fox, as well as Marlborough, Richmond, and Sandwich. 
After the break-up of the Prince of Wales's group in 1751 it offered 
the most dangerous challenge which the Old Guard had to meet. For 
Cumberland's faction tried to rely not only on the parliamentary in- 
terest its adherents had, but on the votes of army officers who had seats 
in Parliament and knew the value of Cumberland's favor. Moreover, 
Henry Fox, after Bedford the leader of the faction, held for ten years 
the post of secretary at war, which he administered in close conjunc- 
tion with the captain general. The adjutant general, an officer in 
charge of drill and discipline under the secretary at war, became, log- 


ically enough under these conditions, Cumberland's military secre- 
tary. Then in 1754, because the Duke alone could persuade the King to 
send troops to America, the Newcastle ministry asked his opinion and 
aid. Thenceforth he sat in cabinets when American policy was dis- 
cussed, and from exercising the command over the army itself he came 
to have more weight than any other individual in determining where 
and how the army was to function abroad. Well might other men see 
a threat both to their political aspirations and to the balance of the 
constitution in such a situation as this one seemed to be: a military 
bloc, led by able men, relying upon the King's unwavering confidence 
in a royal personage at the head of the army, who, standing outside the 
constitution, nevertheless appeared to dominate the civil ministers who 
served it. There was a weak link, however, in that apparently irresistible 
offensive. Once the King's good will was withheld, and a civil minister 
possessing abilities equal to Cumberland's headed the government, 
the captain general was bound to lose. One cannot understand the cir- 
cumstances of Pitt's rise to power without realizing that Cumberland 
was the great rival whom he had to destroy. 

Whether the peculiar nature of Cumberland's power furnished any 
real danger to the constitution is questionable. Regarded institution- 
ally, it was probably more than is desirable in a civil government. But 
Cumberland was not the man to use it unjustly. His latest biographer, 
the Honorable Evan Charteris, makes clear that his ambitions were 
not unscrupulous. That he had ambitions is obvious; he was willing to 
utilize his parliamentary strength in passing an act to make him 
Regent. But in reading of his decisions one is struck again and again by 
the grounds on which he made them. He guided himself by the prin- 
ciple of loyalty to the throne and by his professional outlook, and in his 
mind there could be no conflict between them. The army reforms for 
which he was responsible improved the quality of officers and the 
discipline of the rank and file. His opinions on policy, if not flawless, 
were as statesmanlike as those of his successors. His ruthlessness in 
Scotland in "The Forty-five" was born neither of cruelty nor of ab- 
stract justice, but of calculated expediency. And it is difficult to read 
his correspondence or follow his career without accepting a contem- 
porary judgment that, in a selfish age when political honor was low, 
Cumberland held his personal honor the higher— so high indeed that it 
seemed out of place, and inspired by an ancient and mysterious sym- 
bol, the honor of a king. 

Likewise to American affairs Cumberland applied his own criteria, 
not always the same as those of the faction which used his name. His 


parliamentary group identified itself more completely than any other 
with a vigorous anti-French policy in America. Ever since the capture 
of Louisbourg in 1745 a strong section of public opinion, backed by 
merchants with interests in the colonies, had been demanding that 
the ministry turn its attention westward. Some were definitely moved 
by the possibilities of trade expansion; some wanted only to protect 
the existing colonies from French attack; some saw that the capture of 
French territory in the New World would markedly decrease the trade, 
and therefore the power, of France. To Bedford and Fox alliance with 
such opinion may have seemed the most convenient means for embar- 
rassing the Pelham-Newcastle ministry and for gaining cabinet rank. 
Certainly Bedford's colonial ventures after 1745, Halifax's spirited 
leadership of the Board of Trade and his parading the question of 
French encroachments in Parliament, and Fox's warlike orders in the 
autumn of 1754 are all open to that interpretation. But Cumberland 
supported the settlement of Nova Scotia, not for the public favor it 
would win, not even for the sake of trade and colonial security, but 
because it would contribute to the stability of Scotland and to the 
welfare of those soldiers left unemployed at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. 
Nor did the winning of an empire in the New World, not even for the 
effect it would have on French mercantile strength, appeal to him; 
Loudoun's assumptions that Canada, if conquered, would be returned 
to France at the peace (pp. 279-280) can be interpreted only as a sub- 
ordinate's repetition of some one's statements. Pitt carried to even 
greater extremes a warlike policy in America, and his reinforcement of 
the army there, after he was firmly fixed in power in July, 1757, met with 
Cumberland's strong disapproval. To Cumberland, as a point of policy 
and not merely because he commanded in Germany, the war on the 
Continent came first, and when he had to choose between following 
the program to which his faction had apparently been committed and 
the interests of the royal family, he did not hesitate. In all such matters, 
as clearly as in the question of his personal ambition, Cumberland's 
principles remained constant: loyalty to the throne, and loyalty to 
the profession of arms. 

The Cumberland papers bear out such an interpretation of his at- 
titude toward American affairs. About 400 documents in the collec- 
tion deal with American matters. Yet they leave an impression of hav- 
ing been accidentally amassed and carelessly kept. Some original letters 
have certainly disappeared, loaned or given by Cumberland to men 
who could use them. Those that remain show the character of the 


information upon which he acted, but seldom his actions. He gave his 
orders and made his suggestions by word of mouth, or through the 
adjutant general, whose original letters, with one exception, are not 
among his papers. Some hint of his conception of a captain general's 
authority can be got from his correspondence with Barrington and 
Holderness in the summer of 1757 (pp. 380-398, passim; 475- 176), when 
he was in Germany, while the part he played in the determination of 
policy is suggested by the outlines of campaign plans and public docu- 
ments which exist in a memorandum form with space for corrections 
and additions. 

The American papers fall into five categories: 

(1) Copies of letters and documents from public offices relating to 
questions upon which Cumberland's military opinion was asked. 

(2) Copies of private letters to public officials or to private individ- 
uals passed on to Cumberland because they contained information of 
possible military significance. 

(3) Original letters from army officers to whom had been granted 
the privilege of correspondence with Cumberland, either direct or 
through the adjutant general, Robert Napier. In practice this meant 
either commanding officers or engineers under the Ordnance Board. 
Cumberland paid especial attention to the engineering branch. St. 
Clair, as a deputy quartermaster general sent to Virginia before Brad- 
dock, and Prevost, a foreign colonel in the British service, were excep- 
tions to the closely followed regulation that inferior officers could com- 
municate with the heads of the army only through their superiors. 

(4) Unsolicited original letters from officers and civilians with com- 
plaints or suggestions to make. 

(5) Cumberland's own scanty private correspondence. 

Of these 400 documents less than 100 have been printed elsewhere. 
About 100 would seem to be unique. More than 100 are unprinted 
letters and enclosures sent by Loudoun, available also in the Hunting- 
ton Library and often in the Public Record Office. The remainder are 
either enclosures in other letters or copies from public offices. 

A collection of this nature, amassed accidentally, some parts out of 
proportion to others, does not deserve to be printed in toto. The chief 
reason for printing any part of it is its comparative inaccessibility to 
scholars. Those documents have been selected which seemed valuable, 
the editor realizing, as all selective editors must do, that value is nearly 
as undefinable a term for the historian as for the economist or the 
philosopher. Some have been included because they concern the vexed 
question of colonial currency (pp. 3, 41, 244, 245), illustrate what some 


mercantilists thought of the colonies (pp. 68, 257), or state the pro- 
prietor's side of the Pennsylvania dispute (pp. 367, 368, 384) or an 
engineer's understanding of Western problems after the peace (pp. 455- 
471). But most of them possess a greater intrinsic unity than such a state- 
ment suggests. They deal with the primary problem of the military his- 
torian: Was the strategy followed in successive campaigns of the war best 
adapted to achieve its ends? Was the execution faulty or capable? Noth- 
ing of importance has been omitted, to the best of the editor's knowl- 
edge, which bears on the forming or the carrying-out of plans. 

The reader who wishes to see these documents in their proper unity 
must have a clear notion of the two different kinds of military problems 
which the American war arena in the mid-eighteenth century pre- 
sented. It is not adequate to consider them both as adjuncts to problems 
of naval strategy, after the fashion, admirable and final in its way, of 
Sir Julian Corbett. The war in the interior must be sharply distin- 
guished from that on the coasts. 

In the Canada which the French occupied, the nerve-centers were 
Montreal and Quebec, the only artery of supply from home was the St. 
Lawrence River, and the only means of access from the British colonies 
were two waterways: one by Lake Champlain and Richelieu River; the 
other by the upper Ohio, Lake Ontario, and the upper St. Lawrence. 
Those two waterways they could control by a series of forts, which 
strategically must be considered as outposts of Canada itself, and each 
fort was in easy and direct communication with the center. For defense 
Canada was superbly equipped. The only unimpeded access by water 
lay up the St. Lawrence itself, but for its protection the French relied 
upon Louisbourg, which only a daredevil would leave unstormed in his 
rear; upon the hazards of river navigation, which they exaggerated; 
and upon the impregnability of Quebec. For offense, on the other 
hand, Canada possessed no advantages. The French had but one strong- 
hold, Fort Beausejour, which directly threatened but one British prov- 
ince, Nova Scotia, and its lines of communication with the center were 
long and included an overland carry. To make a continuous attack in 
any other part of America the French would have been forced to 
change their military dispositions, to turn their outposts into bases, 
and to find other means of transport than bateaux. Such alterations in 
military methods were beyond French resources in the New World. 
They were condemned by their position to fighting a defensive war, 
and the only two captures of British forts which they made— Oswego 
and Fort William Henry, both stationed on their own waterways- 
must be regarded as moves wholly defensive. Under Montcalm the 


French admirably adapted their strategy to their position, hoping to 
defer the conquest of Canada until the issue had been fought out in 
Europe and the diplomats had saved the day. Every move they made 
was a move for time. 

If, then, there was to be war in America, the British had to wage it. 
Theirs was the strategy of offense, the conducting of the siege of Canada. 
Once Canada is considered as a single vast fortification, it becomes a 
simple matter to understand the problems confronting the British. 
(1) They had to roll up one or both of the interior approaches to 
Canada, proceeding fort by fort until they reached the center. (2) They 
had to make a direct attack on the nerve-centers themselves, up the St. 
Lawrence. As corollaries of these two main problems, they had (1) to 
prevent the whole of Canada's force being concentrated at a single 
point by setting on foot at least two expeditions each campaign, though 
not necessarily of equal strength, and (2) to lessen Canadian powers of 
resistance by cutting off the influx of supplies and troops from France. 
Surprise, as an element of strategy, the British could rarely use, for 
knowledge of every expedition reached the French either through 
colonials who traded with their enemies or through London offices. 
Their success depended upon sheer massing of strength at obvious 

The character of that strength was no less important than the points 
where it was to be applied. Wherever the British attacked in the in- 
terior, they were separated by a watershed from their objectives, though 
they could make some use of water carriage on both sides. For the open- 
ing of their own lines of communication, and for maintaining them 
when opened, they needed boats for the rivers and men to handle them, 
wagons or sledges for land carriages, ships or armed scows on Lake 
Ontario and Lake George to transport artillery and keep the mastery, 
and men to serve as supply guards and scouts. Since their objectives 
were in every case fortified posts defended by European soldiers, they 
needed artillery, preferably large mortals, for no frontier fort could 
withstand thirteen-inch shells. For the technical side artillerymen and 
especially engineers were wanted. Lastly, they needed a small mobile 
force of trained officers and men, with enough reserves to garrison cap- 
tured posts and maintain a lengthening line of communication. In 
brief, the British needed a small, highly trained army of experts, some 
of whom could be found only in the colonies. 

These are the considerations which apply to any study of the war in 
the interior. 

Attack against Louisbourg or up the St. Lawrence, on the other hand, 


was of a different nature. It involved a larger force and joint land-and- 
sea cooperation. In its simplest form, it meant nothing more than the 
employment of European methods. There was no difference either in 
tactical problems or in equipment between an attack on Louisbourg 
and one on Gibraltar or Rochefort. 

There was a third area, Nova Scotia, which cannot be considered as 
falling within these two strategical categories. The problem there was 
as unique for the British as for the French. The British were on the 
defensive in Nova Scotia, and the capture of Fort Beausejour achieved 
for them the same military purpose as did the capture of Oswego and 
Fort William Henry for the French. The British could not use the 
captured forts on the isthmus as a base for penetrating to the center 
any more easily than the French could make Oswego or the lower end 
of Lake George a base for invading New York. The tactical problems 
involved in the siege of Fort Beausejour were comparatively simple and 
more European than American in nature: the British had the ad- 
vantage of water transport to Fort Lawrence on the Missaguash River, 
where their landing could not be disputed, could cut the French com- 
munications with the north by encamping on Cumberland ridge above 
the fort, and could be assured of success the moment their heavy mortars 
were in place (p. 147). The operations on Chignecto Isthmus, there- 
fore, furnish for both French and British an exception to the general 
strategy demanded of them. 

Such are the factors, of geography, of technical equipment, and of 
personnel, which determine what the strategy of this particular Amer- 
ican war should have been and provide the only feasible yardstick for 
evaluating the conduct of it in its several campaigns. It is notorious that 
Great Britain undertook an offensive war for which she was utterly 
unprepared and which she did not understand. It is equally notorious 
that it took an unusually long time to win it. By such criteria as these 
can perhaps be discovered where and how her military brains were 
numb. For military history differs from other history in this: that its 
objectives are limited, are definable, and can be judged in accordance 
with universally acceptable, scientific rules. 

The diplomatic situation in 1755 required that the plans for the 
American campaign (pp. 45-48) be framed to avoid the appearance of 
aggression. War had not been declared, and the only excuse that can 
be made for these plans is that they represented a gesture against all four 
of the chief French encroachments on territory deemed British. For 
though they were sound enough on paper— the fall of the three interior 
forts would have begun the process of rolling up the approaches to 


Canada— the details of their execution were the product of colossal con- 
ceit and ignorance. Braddock should have been sent to New York, as 
the anonymous author of the "Considerations" (pp. 36-39) argued 
pointedly, if too tardily to be effective; and there he should have con- 
centrated his principal efforts on Crown Point, even if it meant the 
dispersal of the New England forces under Johnson. The taking of 
neither Fort Duquesne nor Niagara, in spite of the effect the latter's 
fall would have had on the Indians, was worth the labor and expense. 
Improvement of communications to Oswego, strengthening of the forts 
there, and construction of ships on Lake Ontario should have been the 
sole objects of attention in the West. Not one of these expeditions, ex- 
cept Monckton's, was properly equipped, supplied, or manned. John- 
son was helpless without supplies, transport, or boats (pp. 142, 150); 
Shirley could find neither supplies nor an engineer. Braddock's expedi- 
tion, except for the deficiency in wagons which Franklin could only 
partially supply, was best fitted for success, but its excellent equipment 
was vitiated by the commanding officer's failure to obey elementary 
rules of European warfare (Amer. Hist. Rev., XLI, 253-269). In gen- 
eral, however, it is scarcely just to blame either British or colonials for 
the ill results of their first venture in the extraordinary technical prob- 
lems posed by the American war. 

Of the plans for 1756, with the conquest of Canada the unhampered 
objective, Cumberland's rightly stressed the importance of New York 
as the strategical center and emphasized the prime need of the supply, 
transport, and naval services (pp. 133-136). But Shirley's plans, pre- 
pared from experience, were superior strategically in making Fort 
Frontenac, and not Niagara, the point of attack in the West. One can 
even sympathize with Shirley's fondness for his Kennebec River proj- 
ect, which offered both an unimpeded overland approach to Quebec 
and an incentive to Massachusetts' participation (pp. 22, 314). But 
that route only multiplied the obstacles present in New York and was 
not feasible in this war. Shirley's attachment to it betrays his great 
weakness, his failure to appreciate the difficulties of execution. Wins- 
low's expedition of 1754 up the Kennebec did not even reach the point 
where the stiffest natural obstacles began (pp. 54-58), while Mac- 
kellar's journal (pp. 187-218) and Vickers's report (pp. 286-290) picture 
the pitiful state to which Shirley's technical incapacities reduced the 
Oswego forts. 

In the annals of this war the years 1756 and 1757, usually regarded as 
a complete waste, saw the development of the only sensible procedure 
the British could follow: preparation to cope with American conditions. 


Whatever faults Loudoun had, and his own letters show them better 
than any comment, he came in the course of time to learn some of the 
essentials a successful army would need. He unified the command, so 
that an ill-equipped provincial army could no longer monopolize the 
most direct road to Canada (pp. 171-173). He set up a crown-owned 
transport system; he encouraged the formation of companies for special 
services; he improved the supply system up the Hudson River; he saw 
to it that his regulars learned to march with safety in the woods. He in- 
sisted upon more and better engineers and adequate artillery for colo- 
nial sieges. Amusing as his detailed plans for a winter expedition sound 
(pp. 399-402), it was the only expedition of the sort undertaken by a 
British general in this war, and it shows how far along the road one 
commander, at least, had come. Loudoun in time saw more clearly than 
Cumberland, who would have been the first to admit it, that American 
conditions demanded experts, not numbers. He did what his predeces- 
sors should have done, and when he was superseded England lost the 
ablest administrator, in matters of detail, that the war produced. 

By 1757 the British were in a position to have ended the war within 
one or two years. It dragged on for four. The reasons can, perhaps, be 
reduced to this: until 1760 men with authority, both in England and 
America, failed to distinguish between the opposing tactical problems 
presented by attack by sea and attack overland, while men who did 
so distinguish were without authority. It is to Pitt's great credit that 
he understood the right use of a fleet; Sir Julian Corbett has written 
the final word on Pitt's system. For the first time there appears in the 
Cumberland papers in 1757 a set of "Considerations" (pp. 294-298) 
which outline it, and, by whatever hand written, they show a great sea 
power coming into its own. They are worth careful reading, as much 
for their fallacious assumptions about the war in the interior as for 
their appreciation of the tactical strength of joint operations. But Pitt 
never learned the real lessons hidden in the letters from New York. He 
could lift to command European soldiers, Amherst and Wolfe, but he 
never recognized the two geniuses the American war produced, Brad- 
street and George Scott of the 40th regiment. Each was a superb leader 
of irregulars, and each, unlike Rogers, the ranger, knew how to use 
artillery against a frontier fort. They were men to employ for diversions 
while the main force concentrated elsewhere. The lack of appreciation 
shown Scott is one of the many tragedies of this war. 

The strategy for 1757, begun by Loudoun and developed by Pitt, was 
seriously at fault. Intent upon winning the war by a single blow, Lou- 
doun neglected to use the services he was training. He should have led 


an attack himself on Ticonderoga and have left the Louisbourg or 
Quebec expedition in the hands of men sent from Europe. His plans 
were those of a gambler: to attack Quebec directly, disregarding all 
else but the main objective. It was gambling with too great odds against 
him, and the plan did not deserve success. But in Loudoun's plans 
for 1758 no such flaw can be found; their strength sprang from experi- 
ence, and little can be added to Robertson's comments on them, as far 
as interior operations are concerned (pp. 429-432). In the actual plans 
followed— those of Pitt— Abercromby was stupidly handicapped. Instead 
of the small mobile army of experts which it had taken three campaigns 
to develop, Abercromby could scarcely move without stepping on 
provincials who were not fitted for their job. And nothing can excuse 
the short-sightedness which stripped him of engineers (pp. 420-422). As 
for the attack on Fort Duquesne, it cannot even be considered a diver- 
sion, but rather a defensive move to protect the Pennsylvania frontier. 
It was necessary, as Loudoun saw, but not significant enough to deserve 
an independent command, and lacking in any of the strategical ad- 
vantages gained by Bradstreet's expedition against Fort Frontenac. The 
weakness in Loudoun's plans was the soldier's inability to see, as Pitt 
saw, what a fleet could be made to do. The combination for a speedy 
victory had at last, by the end of 1757, been developed, Pitt with his 
system, his fleets, and his European-trained armies, Loudoun with his 
American services. Failure to use the combination prolonged the war. 
Cumberland's resignation as captain general (see p. 410) gave a free 
hand to Pitt, whose first use of his unrestricted power was to sup- 
plant Cumberland's appointee. Once more a civilian controlled British 
armies; the constitution had again been preserved. 

There are no documents in this book bearing on the interior opera- 
tions in 1759 or 1760. But one comment is necessary. It is questionable 
whether Amherst in 1759, for all his laudable military qualities, realized 
how to accomplish the task set him or grasped the objectives at which 
he ought to aim. He knew nothing previously of New York conditions, 
and a European soldier needed either youth or time to adapt his ideas 
to them. More slowly even than Abercromby, Amherst moved against 
Ticonderoga, hampered by similar clogs upon his freedom of move- 
ment. With nothing in readiness for immediate construction of boats 
to carry the necessary forces against Isle-aux-Noix, he settled down 
instead to build a fort. His diversion was launched not up the St. 
Lawrence but against Niagara, a post which would have fallen in due 
course had vessels been built to control the lake. His partial success de- 
rived from the fact that Wolfe, in the only operation in this war which 


the British won with the odds against them, confined Montcalm to 
Quebec. Amherst's ideas and actions would have been admirable ones 
in 1756, but not when a British expedition had penetrated into Canada 
with a chance of success. At it was, he left Wolfe's army, after its vic- 
tory, with all communications cut and a near prey to Levis's superi- 
ority (pp. 439-446)- 

It took Amherst as long to learn his lesson as it had taken Loudoun. 
In strategy and execution his 1760 campaign was without flaw. Ad- 
vancing by the three approaches to Montreal, with enough skilled 
troops to open communications and enough reserves to defend them, 
the British overwhelmed the remnants of French resistance. It was 
done so smoothly that one is apt to forget the services which made it 
possible, or the peculiar training which British regulars had got. To 
move 10,000 men from Albany to Montreal by way of Lake Ontario 
required a highly specialized supply and transport system and depend- 
able rangers. Six years it took to teach each of a succession of British 
generals that basic truth. If Amherst had been recalled at the end of 
1759, by that rule which seemed to state that a general should be 
superseded as soon as he had learned the lessons of one complete cam- 
paign in America, his successor would not have won the war until 1761. 
And perhaps it would have gone on and on, each successive general 
fighting himself, until the French died through sheer starvation. For of 
the twelve great French fortresses in America toward which British 
strategy was directed, eight fell with scarcely a shot fired as soon as 
the British managed to reach them. That is not a very sporting record, 
and neither is it war. If Wolfe's exploits at Louisbourg and Quebec 
are excluded, the conquest of Canada sheds but faint glory on British 

Responsibility for a string of failures is difficult to assess. England in 
all her great wars has done some swapping of horses in mid-stream, but 
seldom with the completeness of the change which replaced Cumber- 
land with Pitt. Ideally, they should have worked together, each the 
complement of the other. For Cumberland's way was to send over an 
able soldier, let him learn from experience the special requirements of 
the American terrain, fulfil his demands as far as possible, and give him 
his head. Cumberland's letters to Loudoun leave no doubt of that 
(pp. 255, 263, 325-326). But Cumberland's appreciation of sea power 
was elementary; to him the navy was a convoy service, and its sole use in 
operations the blocking of the St. Lawrence, as one ran a line of forts 
across Flanders to keep out the French. And Cumberland had no power 
to stir into action sluggish London departments. Pitt's strength lay 


where Cumberland was weak. But neither Pitt's clear grasp of naval 
strategy nor his energy should excuse his defects. Knowing nothing of 
American warfare, sensing only that something was amiss, he tried to 
direct military operations in New York from London. After 1757 he 
made the plans; he decided the number, character, and distribution of 
troops; he arranged for their equipment. There is a strange incon- 
sistency between Pitt's treatment of the navy and of the army. He let 
the navy alone; he never told Admiral Boscawen how many sailors a 
ship of the line ought to carry. He should have let his American gen- 
erals alone, too, and believed them when they told him that one heavy 
mortar was worth a dozen twelves, and one company of ship's carpenters 
or boatmen or light infantry or rangers a whole untrained regiment. 
The years required to win Canada stand in ratio to the slowness with 
which Pitt grasped, if indeed he ever did grasp, a commonplace of war. 



Some Observations on the Payment of the Troops in the West Indies, 

1741A 3 

Bedford to Cumberland, Oct. 11, 1748 6 

On settling Highlanders in Nova Scotia. 

Colonel Edward Cornvvallis to Robert Napier, Dec. 6, 1749 ... 8 

Asking reinforcements for Nova Scotia. 
Colonel Alexander Duroure to Robert Napier, Sept. 21, 1752 ... 9 

Condition of the regiment in Antigua. 
An Account of the Forts in Louisiana and Canada, 1752 . . . . 12 
Representation of the Board of Trade Relating to the French at 
the River St. Johns, Dec. 7, 1753 17 

Cadwallader Colden to Halifax, Aug. 3, 1754 18 

Defenses of New York. French designs on New York. Albany con- 
ference and plan of union. Character of royal governors. 

Governor William Shirley to Halifax, Aug. 20, 1754 22 

Forts built on the Kennebec. Acadians. Albany conference. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Lawrence to Halifax, Aug. 23, 1754 . 26 
Proposing an expedition against Fort Beausejour. 

Account of the French Forts in Canada and upon the Lakes [Oct., 

1754] 3o 

Different Routes in North America [1754] 3 ! 

Sketch of Regulations &• Orders Proposed Relating to Affairs of 

North America. November, 1754 34 

Considerations Relating to Measures to Be Taken with Regard to 

Affairs in North America. November, 1754 . . 36 

New York as the proper center of military operations. 

Remarks on the Pass of Niagara. Nov. 1754 40 

Suggesting an attack on Niagara. 

Memorial and State of the Exchange with the British Colonies in 
North America, 1754 4 l 

Sketch of an Order About the Rank &c a of the Provincial Troops in 
North America [Nov., 1754] 43 

Sketch for the Operations in North America. Nov b 16: 1754 . . . 45 
The official plan for the 1755 campaign. 

Instructions from the Lords of the Admiralty to Admiral Keppel 

[Nov., 1754] 4 8 




Private Instructions for Major-Gen. Braddock, Nov. 25, 1754 . 53 

John Winslow to Charles Gould, Dec. 30, 1754 54 

Journal of his expedition up the Kennebec River. 

I Sir John St. Clair to Robert Napier, Feb. 10, 1755 58 

His activities in Virginia and military preparations before Brad- 
dock's arrival. 

John Barrell to Cumberland, Mar. 6, 1755 66 

Asking support for proposed encouragements to colonial trade. 

An Account of the Northern Colonies, by John Barrell .... 68 
Suggesting bounties on naval stores and iron produced in the col- 
onies, removal of molasses duty, amendment to the Fishery act. 

General Edward Braddock to Robert Napier, Mar. 17, 1755 ... 77 
Condition of the troops. 

Major-General Edward Braddock to Newcastle, Mar. 20, 1755 . . 80 
Asking for shipments of coined silver. 

* General Edward Braddock to Robert Napier, April 19, 1755 . . .81 
The Alexandria meeting. Lack of wagons. Appointment of addi- 
tional ensigns. Changes in soldiers' equipment and drill. 

General Edward Braddock to Robert Napier, June 8, 1755 .... 84 
Strictures on the colonies. Franklin's wagons. 

A Return of His Majesty's Troops Encamped at Will's Creek— June 

THE 8 th 1755 86-87 

A Return of the Virginia Mary-land, & North Carolina Troops, En- 
camp'd at Will's Creek— June the 8 th 1755 88-89 

A Return of the Detachment of the Royal Regiment of Artillery, 
Encamped att Will's Creek; June 8 th 1755 ....... 90-91 

Sir John St. Clair to Robert Napier, June 13, 1755 93 

Description of the country. Need of dividing the forces. 

Sir Thomas Robinson to Edward Braddock, June 19, 1755 .... 95 

Return of Ordnance by Thomas Ord and James Furnis, July 18, 1755 96 

Captain Robert Orme to Robert Napier, July 18, 1755 98 s 

The defeat at the Monongahela. 

Captain Robert Orme to Henry Fox [July, 1755] 100 

Sir John St. Clair to Robert Napier, July 22, 1755 102 

Journal of Proceedings from Willes's Creek to the Monongahela: 
Harry Gordon to ?, July 23, 1755 104 

Colonel Thomas Dunbar to Robert Napier, July 24, 1755 .... 109 
Criticism of Braddock. 

Anonymous Letter on Braddock's Campaign, July 25, 1755 . . . .112 

A Return of the Troops Encamp'd at Wills's Creek, Distinguishing 
the Fit for Duty, Sick and Wounded, July 25 th 1755 . . . .125-127 

Captain William Eyre to Robert Napier, Iuly 27, 1755 128 

The provincial army under William Johnson. 



French Account of the Action Near the River Ohio on the cjth 
July 1755, Aug. 8, 1755 129 

Summary 01 Letters from Spencer Phips, Thomas Fitch, Arthur 
Dobbs, and Rhode Island, April-Aug. 30, 1755 132 

Sketch for Next Year's Campaign in North America. Sept" 6: 1755 . 133 
Cumberland's plan. 

Peter Wraxall to Henry Fox, Sept. 27, 1755 137 

Narrative of the campaign under William Johnson. 

John Brewse to the Board of Ordnance, Oct. 18, 1755 146 

On the capture of Fort Beausejour. 


1755 M 8 

Comment on the campaign in New York. 

Extract of a Letter from Governor Sir Charles Hardy to Halifax, 

Dated at Fort George the 27 of Novr. 1755 149 

Gauses for the failure of the Crown Point expedition. Criticism of 

Summary of Disputes between Governor William Shirley and Gen- 
eral William Johnson. 1755 153 

Governor Charles Lawrence to Halifax, Dec. 9, 1755 154 

Removal of the French inhabitants. Recruiting. Fortifications of 
Halifax. Reasons for not calling an assembly. 

Considerations upon the Scite, Interests, and Service of North 
America, by Thomas Pownall, 1755 158 

Troops in the Pay of the Province of Pennsylvania and W r HERE 
Posted. February 23° 1756 166 

List of Applications for Stores & ca Depending Before the Committee. 

May, 1756 168 

Requests from the colonies for war supplies. 

Captain William Eyre to Robert Napier, May 1, 1756 169 

Sir Charles Hardy to Halifax, May 7, 1756 .170 

Colonial jealousies. Provincial army at Albany. Terms under which 
provincials were raised. Indented servants. Sir William Johnson. 
Garrison at Fort William Henry. 

Harry Gordon to Robert Napier, June 22, 1756 176 

Remarks on Forts William Henry and Edward, by Harry Gordon 

[1756] 177 

Memoire Narratif de Mr. T: T: Touchant les Services qu'il a Rendu 

a la Nouvelle Ecosse, 27 Juin 1756 180 

Benjamin Franklin to Sir Everard Fawkener, July 27, 1756 . . .184 
On enlisting indented servants. 

A Journal of the Transactions at Oswego from the i6th of May to 
the 14 of August 1756. By Patrick MacKellar Eng'r En Second to 
the Expedition 187 



An Account of the Strength of the Garrison, & State of the Works 
at Oswego . . . Together with an Account of the Naval Force 
... & the Seige . . . , in August, 1756 218 

Henry Fox to Governor Charles Lawrence, Aug. 14, 1756 .... 222 
Drafts from England to replace losses. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Aug. 20, 1756 223 

Conditions of the service on his arrival. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Aug. 29, 1756 230 

Quartering. Oswego. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Oct. 2, 1756 233 

Character of his officers. Plan for 1757 campaign. Provincials. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Oct. 3, 1756 239 

Condition of the service. Shirley. 

Memorial of William Johnston, Oct. 25, 1756 244 

Rates at which gold and silver coins are issued. 

Observations on the Value and Rates of the Gold and Silver to Be 
Provided for the Use of His Majesty's Forces Serving in North 
America, under the Command of the Right Hon blb the Earl of 
Loudoun, Oct. 25, 1756 245 

Observations from Quebec Down St. Lawrence's River, October 1756, 

by James Pitcher 249 

Description of the navigation of the river. 

Cumberland to Loudoun, Oct. 22— Dec. 23, 1756 251 

Comment on Loudoun's letters. Character of officers and regiments. 
Shirley. Campaign plan for 1757. 

John Thomlinson to Granville, Dec. 13, 1756 257 

French designs on colonies. Plan for 1757 campaign. 

Cumberland to Loudoun, Dec. 23, 1756 262 

Unofficial information about ministerial plans for 1757. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Nov. 22-Dec. 26, 1756 263 

Quartering. Condition of forts. Recruiting. Shirley. Rangers. Inde- 
pendent companies. Payment of troops. Accounts of 50th and 51st 
regiments. Engineers and artillery for campaign. Equipment for 

List of Commissions Given by His Excellency the Earl of Loudoun 
. . . [Aug.-Dec, 1756] 281 

Information of Captain John Vicars of the 50™ Regiment . . . , 

Jan. 4, 1757 286 

Conditions at Oswego in the winter of 1756-1757. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Jan. 5, 1757 290 

Nova Scotia regiments. Royal American Regiment. 22d regiment. 
Webb. Cannon for campaign. 

Considerations . . . Upon a Scheme for Attacking Louisbourg & Que- 
bec 1757 294 

First Note by Admiral Knowles, Relating to the Expedition to 
North America, 1757 299 



Second Note from Admiral Knowles, Relating to the Expedition to 
North America, 1757 299 

Memorandum by Colonel Hopson, 1757 302 

Proposal by Admiral Knowles and Colonel Hopson, 1757 . . . .310 

Animadversions Upon Mr. Shirley's Conduct, 1757 313 

Blaming Shirley for the loss of Oswego. 

Some Hints for the Operations in North America for 1757 . . .314 
Provincial troops and interior operations. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, March 8, 1757 317 

Assignment of officers to duty. Returns. Prcvost and the Royal Amer- 
ican Regiment. Provisions. 

Cumberland to Loudoun, March 21, 1757 325 

Assuring him of continued discretion in interpreting orders. 

Lieu t Colonel Henry Bouquet to Sir John S t Clair. Philadelphia, 

the 18™ April 1757 327 

Affairs of the Royal American Regiment. 

List of Commissions Granted by . . . Loudoun, Dec, 1756-ApRiL, 1757 330 

Colonel James Prevost to Cumberland, May 12, 1757 335 

On the Royal American Regiment and his relations with Loudoun. 

Memoire sur la Guerre d'Amerique, by James Prevost, May, 1757 . . 337 
Recommending special training and equipment for troops in America. 

Colonel James Prevost to Cumberland, May 23, 1757 340 

Barrington to Cumberland, June 3, 1757 341 

Shirley's court martial. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, April 25-JuNE 3, 1757 343 

Assignment of officers. Independent companies. Campaign plans. 
French fleets off New York. Prevost. Foreign officers. 

List of Commissions Granted by . . . Loudoun [Jan.-May, 1757] . . 362 

Loudoun to Robert Napier, June 5, 1757 366 


Cumberland to Barrington, June 13, 1757 367 

On Shirley's court martial. 

Thomas Penn to Cumberland, June 18, 1757 367 

Complaining of Governor Denny of Pennsylvania. 

Extracts of Several Letters from Philadelphia [1756-1757] . . . 368 
Criticisms of Denny. 

Loudoun to Daniel Webb, June 20, 1757 370 

Advising an attack on Ticonderoga. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, June 22, 1757 372 

Intelligence of British and French fleets. His reasons for sailing 
north. Embargo. Dinwiddie. Prevost. 

Cumberland to Thomas Penn, July 5, 1757 379 

About Governor Denny. 



Barrington to Cumberland, July 8, 1757 380 

Succession to 2 2d regiment. Pitt's proposed augmentation of Ameri- 
can forces. 

Barrington to Cumberland, July 12, 1757 382 

Shirley. Prevost. 

Sir John Ligonier to Cumberland, July 12, 1757 383 

On the augmentation of the troops in America. 

Thomas Penn to Cumberland, July 18, 1757 384 

On Denny's yielding to the Pennsylvania assembly. 

Cumberland to Barrington, July 22, 1757 385 

Cumberland to Sir John Ligonier [July 22, 1757] 386 

Recruits for America. 

Sir John Ligonier to Cumberland, Aug. 3, 1757 386 

Reasons and Oppinion Drawn by Sir Charles Hardy Against Going to 
louisbourg aug t 1757 387 

Vice Admiral Francis Holburne to Holdernesse, Aug. 4, 6, 1757 . . 388 
Narrative of events on the Louisbourg expedition. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Aug. 6, 1757 391 

The council of war at Halifax. His decision not to attack. 

Barrington to Cumberland, Aug. 16, 1757 394 

On permitting officers to retire on their pay. 

Cumberland to Thomas Penn, Aug. 22, 1757 395 

Governor Denny. 

Sir Charles Hardy to Loudoun, Aug. 24, 1757 3g6 

The French fleet in Louisbourg harbor. 

Cumberland to Barrington, Aug. 28, 1757 397 

Insisting on obedience to the standing orders. 

Cumberland to Holdernesse, Sept. 15, 1757 398 

Cumberland to Barrington, Sept. 15, 1757 398 

Colonels for regiments in America. Lord Charles Hay. 

Loudoun to Cumberland, Oct. 17, 1757 399 

Plan for a winter expedition. Thomas Pownall. 

William Shirley to Cumberland, Nov. 19, 1757 408 

Defense of his conduct. 

Cumberland to Loudoun, Nov. 26, 1757 410 

His resignation from all military employments. 

A Description of the Town of Quebeck Its Strength and Situation, 
1757 [by Patrick MacKellar] 411 

Cumberland to Loudoun, Dec. 10, 1757 416 

Extract of a Journal of the Proceedings of the Fleet and Army 
Sent against Louisbourg, May 28-June 10, 1758 416 

William Eyre to Robert Napier, July 10, 1758 418 

Description of the attack on Ticonderoga. 



Colonels Prevost and Gage to General James Abercromby, July 20, 

Aug. 20, 1758 422 

Suggestions for restoring confidence in the army and for renewing 
the attack on Ticonderoga. 

Colonel James Prevost to Cumberland, Aug. 21, 1758 427 

Condition of Abercromby 's army. 

Major James Robertson to the Earl of Morton, Dec. 19, 1758 . . . 429 
Comparison of Loudoun's plans for 1758 with Pitt's. 

Extract of a Letter from an Officer in Major Gen 1 - Wolfe's Army. 
Island of Orleans ioth Aug 81- 1759 433 

Copy of a Letter from on Board the Lizard Sept" 5111 1759 at Coudre 
17 Leagues from Quebec 435 

An Account of the Action Which Happened Near Quebec, 13TH Sep- 
tember 1759 437 

Journal of Happenings at Quebec by an Officer of Royal Americans, 

May 24, 1760 439 

Description of the battle of St. Foy. 

Description Militaire des Pays entre Albany, Montreal et Quebec. 

[17H 446 

Journal of the Operations of the Army in the Island of Martinico 

FROM THE l(i TH JAN BT TO 5 th Feb" y INCLUSIVE [1762] 450 

Colonel William Eyre to Sir William Johnson, Jan. 7, 1764 . . . 455 
Suggesting withdrawal of western forts. 

Sir William Johnson to William Eyre, Jan. 19, 1764 458 

Opinion on western problems. 

Colonel William Eyre to General Robert Napier, Apr. 12, 1764 . .461 

Memorial Concerning the Back Forts in North America [Dec. 17, 
1765, by Harry Gordon] 464 



A Sketch of General Braddock's March from Fort-Cumberland on 
the 10 th of June 1755 to the Field of Battle of the 9 lh July 
near the River Monongahela 04 

No. 1 A Sketch of the Field of Battle of the 9 th July upon the 
Monongahela, seven miles from Fort du Quesne, between the 
British Troops commanded by General Braddock and the 
French & French Indians commanded by Mons r de S l Pierre, 
shewing the Disposition of the Troops when the Action began, 
by P. Mackellar, Engineer 114 

No. 2 A Sketch of the Field of Battle &c shewing the Disposition 
of the Troops about 2' a Clock when the whole of the main 
Body had joined the advanced and Working Partys, then beat 
back from the Ground they occupied as in Plan N° 1, by 
P. Mackellar, Engineer 115 

A Plan of Chignectou including the Pass of Pont Buot and the en- 
campment before the fort of Beau Sejour, 1755, by J. Brewse, 
Engineer 146 

A Plan of the Fort of Beau Sejour with the attack in June, 1755, 

by J. Brewse, Engineer 147 

Plan of Oswego with its Forts as Beseiged by the Marquis of Mont- 
calm, August, 1756, by P. Mackellar, Engineer 210 




Some Observations on the Payment of the Troops 
in the West Indies, 1741/2 1 




.E D 

Which for 
every £100 
sterig is 
at the Kate 

and deliv- 
er'd there 
in Currency 
for Bills at 
1 25 P Ct 

Sterig in 

A Guinea 
A Port P- 


A Pistole 
A Moider 

£1. 1.- 

1. 16. - 

- 16. 8. 
i. 7 - 

£1. 8.9 
2. 10 — 

1. 3- 9 

1. 18. 9 

£136. 18. - 
138. 17. 9 

142. 10. - 

143. 10. 4 

Guineas .... 


Moiders .... 

£ 109. 10. 4% 
1-1. 1.7% 


114. 16. - 

£9. 10. 4% 
II. 1-7% 

14. -• - 
14. 16. - 

The medium of these F 
different Species is 

of Ports Pistoles and M 
of Pistoles and Moiders 

our ( 
aiders .... 

£140. 9. - 

141. 12.8. 
143. -. 2. 

141. 4- Vi 

M3- >°- 4- 
140. -. -. 

C and de- "1 

J in Tama- {_ 
1 ica as 
L produces J 

£112. 7.2 
ii3- 5-7- 
114. 8.-. 
112. 9. 2l/4 
114. 16.-. 

£12. 7. 2 

13- 5- 7 
14. 8. - 

Sent '. '. '. '. 
from / 
Cent j 

And if Moi 
Or if Bills 
thence Supp 

lers only are 
are drawn 
ose at 140 p 

14. 16. - 
12. — . - 

The Charge to the Contractors, if they send Specie from England, may 
be Reckon'd Viz 1 . 

Freight 1 % or sa y 2 P Ct 

Insurance 3% 4 

Commission 2% 3 

other Charges .... % 1 

Interest 6 Months. 2 2 

10% or i2pCt 

So that their Profit or Loss 
must be in proportion to the 
Species they send, which hith- 
erto have Chiefly been Ports & 
Moiders, the Medium whereof 
is £141.4— Producing £ 12.9.2% 
sterig p Cent. 

But if their Agents in Jamaica take up Money there &; draw on them 
here, suppose, at 140 p Cent which is the Price of good bills in Cur- 
rency, then their Charge would stand Nearby thus Viz 1 . 

1 This document would seem to have found its way into Cumberland's possession 
in connection with the 1754 discussions about the money contract and the payment of 
troops on colonial service. See pp. 41-43. The negotiations between the Treasury 
and Peter Burrell and John Bristow, the money contractors for Cathcart's expedition, 
can be followed in Calendar of Treasury Books and Papers, ijjq-ijji, pp. 287, 326, 
482, 512, 561; 1741-1J45, pp. 6-8, 12, 31. 



Commission in Jamaica 2 i/ 2 or 3 pCt l And the profit on 140 j a . 

Commission & other Charges here ... 2 2i/ 2 I maica Currency redeliver "d 

4Vii 5!/2P Ct J for Bills at 125 pCt £12.-. - 

Charge 5.10. — 

Net Profit £6.10.- 

But as 140 p Cent was not Certain, suppose they had drawn at 135 
p Cent, the Medium betwixt 140 & 130 p Cent, which too is nearly 
Equal to the present Rate of Silver there, and redeliver'd the same at 
125 p Cent the Difference then would have been 8. -. - 

Charge .... 5.10. - 

Net Profit . .£2.10 p Cent 
And thus their gain would have been greater as the Exchg. might 
happen to be from 135 to 140 p Cent. 

Now the Supposition is that the Government might have sent out 
Specie as above, or having sent part to supply Immediate Wants have 
ordered the Deputy PayMasters to draw for more as they most Con- 
veniently Could do it, by which the Troops in the West Indies could 
have been paid their Subsce. [subsistence] at more than 120 p C l , the 
Rate first Agreed with the Contractors, & even at better than 125 p C l , 
the present rate of payment there, if Ports 8c Moiders had been the 
Specie sent, for as the Charge to the Government would have been 
less than to the Contractors, Viz 1 . 

Freight Op Cent, being in His Majestys Ships 

Insurance, if Needfull 3% or 4 " 

other Charges 1 . . i 1 /, 

Deputys Clerks &c 1 .. 2 ... or at fix'd Salaries which pos- 
their Salaries about sibly would not have amounted 

to so much as 1 or 2 p C l on 
the whole. 

5 ]/ 2 or 7% p Cent, there would have been a 
saving at 125 p Cent even on Guineas the lowest Denomination; and 
this Saving would have been greater in Proportion as the other Species 
increase in Value in Currency. And if the Deputy Pay-Masters had 
drawn from 140 to 135 p Cent the Government could not have Lost 
by paying the Troops at 125 or 126 p Cent. 

A Calculation likewise has been Made of the Profits arising to the 
Contractors for supplying the Army with Money; and as this has been 
done on the footing of the first Agreement with them Viz 1 120 p Cent, 
and on Moiders only which are at the rate of £ 143. 10s. 4d. Jam a Curr* 
for £100. Sterlg, which Sum deliver'd there at 120 Curr? p C* produces 
in London 19.11.8 p C l Sterlg Profit; and this Computed for the 


Whole of the Troops employed there, as if Each Regiment had been 
Constantly Compleat, whereby the Gain from the Contract is Raised 
to a very large Sum, and consequently the loss to the Troops much 
Magnified, it will not be Improper to set this Matter in a truer light, 
& to observe in the first place, That these Troops were paid at 120 
p Cent for about Two Musters only and that in Ports as well as 
Moiders, the Medium whereof is £141.4.— Jam a Curr>; & secondly, 
That no more money was to be Received by Contract than what was 
Necessary to pay the Effectives in each Regim' whose Numbers less- 
en'd daily; so that the Gain arising from it, considering the Charge, 
cannot amount to the Sum it is given out to be. 

But in order to Lighten the Loss and to Redress any hardship that 
might be thought to Arise to the Army from this Contract, & as the 
Agents, named by the Contractors in Jamaica, declined the Transact- 
ing of their business there, & that the Deputy Pay Masters were obliged 
to draw on their Principals, the Pay Master General of His Majesty's 
Forces immediately ordered them to Pay the Troops there at 125 p Ct. 
and to Reserve the difference betwixt what they drew at, & what they 
paid at till further orders; and this has been the Rate ever since the 
25 th April 1741. 

A Certain Rate must be fixd for the payment of Troops serving 
abroad; nor must it be allow'd to Vary, to prevent Mutiny & Com- 
plaints among Men who Know little of the Nature of Exchanges; and 
this fixd Rate must be such as the difference betwixt it & the Current 
Exchange of the Place at a Medium,* will answer the Charge of sup- 
plying them with Specie for their Subsistence, whither the same be 
done by Contractors or by the Government, unless there was to be an 
Allowance by Parliament, for defraying such Charge, over and above 
what is Granted according to the Estimates for the full Pay of Troops 
so Employed. 

Besides the Rate now fix'd, Viz' 125 p Ct is agreeable to an order of 
Council in the Reign of Queen Anne which Regulated the Par with 
our Colonies in America at 125 p Ct, Valuing the Ounce of Silver 
here at 5/4, and there at 6/8, which is Exactly 1/4 more than Sterlg and 
what is Call'd Currency, and tho this Regulation has greatly Varied 
since that time in the different Colonies, and consequently their re- 
spective Rates of Exchange; yet in Virginia, even at this day, the Ex- 

* That is; Suppose the Exchange from Jamaica to London to Vary from 
140 to 130 p Ct. the Medium of that is 135, and the Rate of Payment now 
fix'd being 125 p Cent the Difference betwixt them is 10., which at 125 p Cent 
gives £8.—.— Sterling for the Charges, but if taken at 135 gives only £7.8.1 
for the Charges. 


change is from 125 to 120 which is under that Par; and in Barbadoes 
it did not rise for a long time above 128 p Ct. 'tis true the present 
Value of the Ounce of Silver in Jamaica, possibly Occasion'd by a 
former Want of good Bills, is 7/2 Currency which may be said to have 
Constituted a new Par with that Island at about 134% p Ct and this 
Price of Silver raised the Value of Bills from 135 to 140 p Ct and up- 
wards, and probably Bills will Continue at this Value till Silver Falls 
there, because Merchants who Remitt, chuse Rather to take good Bills 
than to send Bullion home, while the difference of the Price of Bills 
does not Exceed that of Bullion above the Freight 8c Insurance attend- 
ing a Remittance in the last, for Instance Silver to the Value of £100 
Sterlg cost's in Jamaica at 7/2 Curr y p Ounce £ l 34- 7- 6 

Freight home at 2% p Ct 3. 7. 2% 

Insurance at 4 p Cent . . 5. 7. 6 

£i43- 2. 214 
So that a Bill of £100 Sterlg bought in Jamaica for 140 Currency is a 
Cheaper and more Convenient Remittance by £3.2.2 Curr y but 
should the price of Silver happen to fall, which it may do being a Com- 
modity, the Exchange must follow; and as this holds in all Exchanges 
and that the same Vary and Fluctuate from time to time, a Certain rate 
for the Payment of Troops whether they serve in America or Europe, 
must be fix'd; and it must be such as abovemention'd; for none but 
Merchants who understand Exchanges can Deal in them, or Attend 
to their Daily Variations; and Payments following those Variations 
are Altogether unfit for Armies, who Knowing but very little of the 
Matter would be apt to Mutiny on a falling Exchange. 

Bedford 1 to Cumberland 


London. Oct: 11 th 1748. 

S r 

I received of the 9 th instant, the Letter your Royal Highness was 

pleased to honour me with, and shall according to your directions, turn 

1 John Russell, Fourth Duke of Bedford (1710-1771), opposed Walpole in the 1730s, 
identified himself in the 1740s with Sandwich and Halifax, and somewhat less closely 
with Gower, Chesterfield, Cobham, and Pitt. First lord of the Admiralty in the Pelham 
coalition ministry of 1744, he supported the New England expedition against Louis- 
bourg, and in 1746 forced upon his colleagues a scheme for the conquest of Canada. 
Secretary of state from 1748 to 1751, he had much to do with the settlement of the town 
of Halifax. He lent his strong parliamentary influence during these years to the group 
formed about Cumberland. He was forced out of office by Newcastle in 1751, and served 
as lord lieutenant of Ireland in Pitt's first two administrations. 


in my thoughts, what encouragements, it might be proper to grant to 
any part of Lord Loudon's Regiment, or other Highlanders, his Majesty 
may not think proper to continue in his Service in Europe, to induce 
them to settle in, and people the Colony of Nova Scotia. 
When I first had the honour to mention this to your Royal Highness, 
it was only designed by me, to suggest to Y.R.H. 8 consideration, a Plan 
which (if it could be put in execution) might render these People usefull 
to his Majesty in North America, when their Service should be no longer 
required in Europe; and I was the more confirmed in opinion of the 
utility of some Plan of this Sort, for disposing of, in a proper manner 
those Highlanders, who were to be disbanded out of the Highland Regi- 
ments, as I feared many of them would take on in foreign Services, and 
the remainder might be judged not proper to settle again in their own 
native Country, under their Chiefs, of whom the loyalty of some might 
be under just cause of suspicion, especially as these Men by having con- 
tinued so long in his Majesties Service, must have acquired a thorough 
knowledge of their Arms, and been accustomed to, the discipline of the 
Army. As no Plan for the sending these people to Nova Scotia, can be 
put in execution without incurring an additional publick expence, I 
believe it will be necessary, before I digest anything to be submitted to 
Y. R. H. s determination, to consult with M r Pelham, how far the present 
exigencies of affairs, will permit an expence of such a nature to be under- 
taken at present, and as I hope it will not be long, before I have the 
honour of paying my duty personally to your Royal Highness in Eng- 
land, I fear it will be impossible for me to prepare any thing for Y. R. H. 3 
consideration before that time. 2 

Permit me, S r , to congratulate your Royal Highness, upon the pleasing 
prospect of our Affairs at Aix la Chapelle, and to assure you that I am 
with the highest respect and duty, S r , Your Royal Highness's most faith- 
full, and most obedient humble Servant 


[Endorsed] Lond. The 11 lh Oct r ij./S The Duke of Bedford Rec d the 
26 th N S. Answ d the 29 th 

2 Cumberland's letter to Bedford of October 4/11, Bedford's report on October 28 
of his conversation with Pelham. and Cumberland's final reply of November 12. are 
printed in Correspondence of John, Fourth Duke of Bedford', edited by Lord John 
Russell, I (1842), 563-564, 572-574, 578-579. Bedford originated the proposal to 
settle Loudoun's regiment in Nova Scotia! Cumberland acceded partly for the sake 
of the soldiers, partly from the same reasons advanced by Bedford in the above letter, 
and partly because he was unwilling to land a regiment of Highlanders in England. 
The project was laid aside on grounds of expense, the ministry being unwilling to 
send to Nova Scotia a regiment still en the establishment. 


Colonel Edward Cornwallis 1 to Robert Napier 2 



Upon considering the State of this Province, I am obliged to repre- 
sent to His Grace The Duke of Bedford & The Lords of Trade that 
there is an absolute necessity for greater Force In order to secure & 
effectualy settle it. I know my letters will be laid before His Royal 
Highness, yet when Troops are demanded I think it my Duty to ac- 
quaint him with it & give my reasons for so doing. 

One Regiment, Six Companys of Gen. Philips's, one Company of 
Rangers are all the Force here at present. With these I have to guard 
& protect an Extent of 200 miles to reckon only the Peninsula, within 
which there is a number of Indians a declared Enemy, waiting Op- 
portunitys to do all the mischief they can— the greatest part of the In- 
habitants, The Accadians certainly more Friends to the French than 
us. The French excite 2c support both the Indians & Inhabitants & will 
stick at nothing to hurt the Settlement. They will probably prevail 
on the Indians of Canada & St. Johns River to join those of this 

The Governor of Canada is making Incroachments in the most un- 
warrantable manner. On pretence of hindering us to make Settle- 
ments before the limits are settled he has sent Detachments to three 
different Places near the Entrance of the Peninsula, so as to pour in the 
Savages upon us 8c succour them as he pleases. 

For some time Halifax alone, already a town of great extent will re- 
quire one Regiment to secure it. Annapolis Royal cannot have less 
than 200 men. There must be 100 men at least at Minas & as many at 

1 For Edward Cornwallis (1713-1776), who acted as governor of Nova Scotia and 
became colonel of Phillips's foot on March 30, 1750, see sketch by James S. Macdonald, 
"Hon. Edward Cornwallis, Founder of Halifax," in Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll., XII 
(1905), 1-17. 

2 Robert Napier was adjutant general, with the rank of colonel, and Cumberland's 
secretary for military affairs. He was therefore the normal channel of intercourse be- 
tween army officers and the captain general. Napier entered the army in 1722 as an 
ensign in Pearce's 5th foot, became a lieutenant in 1723, and quartermaster of the 
regiment in 1725. On January 21, 1738, he was appointed captain in Kirke's 2d regi- 
ment of foot. He served on the staff at Ghent, 1742-1743. as deputy quartermaster gen- 
eral (though Notes arid Queries, Vol. 155, p. 64, names a William Napier in that post, 
his name is not in the Army List of 1740), after Fontenoy was promoted to be lieuten- 
ant colonel and deputy quartermaster general to the army in the Netherlands, and 
in 1746 was made adjutant general of South Britain. He became colonel of the 51st 
regiment in 1755; major general in 1756; colonel of the 12th foot in 1757: and lieuten- 
ant general in 1759. He died in November, 1766. Richard Cannon, Hist. Record of 
the Twelfth Regiment of Foot (1848), p. 99. 


the Fort upon the Bay. So that I have no Troops at all to send upon 
any Emergency, or to spare for the protection of other Settlements 
that may be proposed. 

I am firmly of Opinion that the Province cannot be Secure without 
a good Strength at the Isthmus, both against the French in case of War 
& The Indians at all times. This without a whole Regiment be sent 
there cannot be undertaken, as nothing will more exasperate both 
French & Indians. 

The Settlement is advanced beyond expectation. I hope you got the 
plans sent you. I am very truely yours etc 

En: Cornwai.iis 
Halifax Dec br 6th 1749 

Colonel Alexander Duroure * to Robert Napier 


Since my landing here with our late Governor M r Mathew, my time 
has been imployed in getting the best Information I was able of the 
State of this Regim 1 . Indeed I have Soon been convinced that it la- 
bours under many hardships that all other Regiments in His Majesty's 
Service are happily free from. 

As these hardships mostly arrise from the Scanty provision made 
by the Island for the lodging of it as a body of regular troops, Con- 
sidering the Climate and our Numbers, as likewise from the trifling 
addition of pay when compared to the Excessive prices given for all 
necessaries of life, I have colected from the Knowledge of the Eldest 
Officers here, and my own observation, such facts as plainly evince how 
much both Officers &: Men suffer, as likewise the tendancy it must have 
to prevent that Discipline being carried on, which alone can make this 
body of any Military Service to the Island. 

These facts I had prepared to lay before the Legislature of this 
Island, by the means of our late Governor, but his 111 State of health, 
and ensuing Death prevented Me, since which I have adressed this 
plain State of the Case, to the Council & Assembly of the Island. A 

1 Alexander Duroure (1692-1765), younger son of Francis Duroure, a refugee French 
officer in Ireland, entered the army in 1714, hecame a captain in 1722, major of Doug- 
lass's Marines (with whom he served on the Cartagena expedition') in 1739. lieutenant 
colonel of Wentworth's 24th foot in 1741, and colonel of the 38th foot, stationed in 
the West Indies, in 1751. He was an elder brother of Scipio Duroure, Napier's predeces- 
sor as adjutant general. He became colonel of the King's Own Regiment of Horse 
in 1756, and lieutenant general in 1760. He died at Toulouse. Charles Dalton, George 
the First's Army, 1J14-1722 (1910), I, 219, n. 26. 


Coppy of which I take the liberty to send you, as such an appeal to the 
publick here, may be less suspected of partiality to the Corps, than any 
representation I could do my self the honnour to transmit to you for 
the Information of His Majesty or His Royal Highness. 

I have confined my self barely to facts as a very ample Discusion of 
most of them already lies before Lord Holderness, and some of a late 
date I believe before Lord Halifax, through the Channel of M r Sharp, 
who is Solicitor to the Island. All which, as they are prior to my time 
I may not be a Sufficient Judge of. Tho' from what I have seen, & 
hear'd, since I am here, I am inclined to believe, nothing but strict 
truth was aimed at by those who upon several occasions have repre- 
sented in behalf of the Regiment. 

You will perceive Sir in this adress to the Publick that I acquaint 
them I am about to Discharge a Number of Men who for a consider- 
able time past have been incapable of Service through distempers and 
ailings Contracted in this Island and Incurable here. 

As the Island have obliged themselves to be at the Expence of re- 
moving to England a Number of such not exceeding ten in a year; 
I have by this opportunity sent such as will I hope be thought ob- 
jects deserving His Majestys bounty at Chelsea; Ten more of the same 
Kind the Island will provide for in some of their small Forts, and the 
like number tho utterly unfitt for Soldiers can find a maintenance 
amongst the Inhabitants. Indeed there are still more I could wish to be 
rid of, so fatal is the Havock that has long attended this Regiment, 
from the nature of the Climate, and the miserable Situation it has 
always been in. 

This reform would in part have been atempted sooner, by the Officer 
Commanding in my absence but the low Numbers the Regim 1 was 
reduced to when I was appointed to the Command of it, would not 
admit of a greater diminution untill Recruits were sent out. And from 
the best Judgement I can make, the Numbers that dye yearly, and 
those that must be descharged as Incurables, will render it absolutely 
impossible to keep up to a Number of Effective Men fitt for Service 
in any proportion equal to what other Regiments may do in temperate 
Climates, and where a better provision is made for their Subsistance. 

However as it is my Duty I shall have the strictest attention that the 
Noneffective fund be appropriated soley to keeping up the fullest 
Numbers that may be. 

I can hardly Sir find expressions strong enough to point out the 
wretched condition of the Subaltern Officers, and, private Men. Permit 
me therefore to become an Advocate for the former, that through your 


Intercession with His Majesty they may be paid the Arrears due to 
them since December 1746. 

For what ever cause of Suspicion may lye against those who could 
profit from regular Returns not being sent to your Office during some 
time, as from all other Regiments; As the Subalterns could reap no 
benefit from such an Omission, you will I believe think their case full 
hard, and perhaps unpresidented, should they suffer so essentially 
through the fault of others: For as they were not conscious any neglect 
of their duty had subjected them to such a loss, they have as their 
necessities drove them borrowed on the Strength of that fund, and in 
consequence are daily exposed to the severe effects of their Creditors 
Impatient for want of payment. 

I shall not at present trouble you with a farther detail of the Regi- 
ment, as no representation at this distance could point out to you as 
I could wish its true State in every particular: Permit me therefore to 
hope that through your Protection I may live in hopes ere long to sett 
before you personally several things in a clear light. I have unfortu- 
nately more reason to press your Interest in this Instance than I wish 
I had. The excessive heat of this place affects me so much more than 
it did formerly, that I am apprehensive any continuance here must 
shorten my days, and this I assure you does not proceed from the 
Hclvctick Malady, which forty five years Service in various Climes 
must long ago have cured me of. So that could my residence here 
further the good of His Majestys Service in the case of this Regiment, 
my attachment to my duty would make me runn any hasard with great 
chearfulness. But as I flatter my self my character stands unsuspected 
of the least tardiness in point of duty, strickt truth Warants me to say 
that my abiding here can no way conduce to that end, while the Regi- 
ment stands Circumstanced as it must do in this Island. 

I was just going to conclude this Letter to you Sir when your Com- 
mands of the 29 th June relating to Lieu 1 Colonel Talbot have been 
deliver'd to me, which I shall be sure to comply with. 

As the Legislature of this Island have desired a longer time to give 
in an Answer to my representation to them, I must wait their leasure 
to transmit it to you, and in the mean while, beg leave to subscribe 
My self with great truth and Respect, 

Your Most Obliged and Most Obedient humble Servant 


St. John's In the Island of Antigua Sep tr 21 st 1752 
[Endorsed] Col 1 Duroure Antigua Scp tr 21 st rec d Nov 1- 14. 1752. 


An Account of the Forts in Louisiana and Canada * 


La Balise Isle, a l'Entree du Mississipi. 

Fort de Terre; Soldats 200, Canons 24. 

Au Detour a L'Anglois. 

Deux Forts de Terre: L'un sur un des Bords et l'autre sur l'autre; 
Soldats dans les Deux Forts 150, Canons 30, Maisons d'Habitants 40. 
II y a beaucoup de Negres pour faire l'lndigo. 

La Nouvelle Orleans Capitale du Pais. 

Il'y vient Journellement des Vaisseaux frettes pour le Roi charges 
de soldats, et de Provisions et pour l'utilite de la Colonie ces Vais- 
seaux s'en retournent charges d'Indigo de Boisure et de Mats pour 
les Vaisseaux. Les Vaisseaux Espagnols y viennent avec beaucoup 
de Vin et d'olives. Et Ton y fait beaucoup d'Indigo, du Ris et du 
Maiz. II y a deux beaux Corps de Casernes; il y a 5000 Soldats en- 
viron 8000 Habitants et au moins 12000 Negres. 

Chez les Oumas. 

Petit Fort de Bois dans un petit Village Sauvage; soldats 50, Can- 
ons 6, et quelques Habitants. 

Au Village de Alleman. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Canons 4, environ 600 Habitants et 2000 
Negres, pour traviller a l'lndigo, au Ris et au Maiz. 

a La Pointe coupee. 

Village, Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Canons 8, environ 800 Habitants 
et 3000 Negres pour faire de la Charpente de Maison, que les Vais- 
seaux emmenent dans les Isles de l'Amerique. 

Chez les Natchitoches. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 100, Canons 4, situe sur la Riviere Rouge a 
4 Miles des Espagnols. Habitants environ 300 et 500 Negres. L'on 
n'y fait que du Maiz. 

Chez les Natches. 

Fort de Terre; soldats 100, Canons 12, il'y a deux Habitants et une 
ioo ne de Negres pour faire du Tabac: le Fort est situe sur une Mon- 
tagne assez elevee. 

Chez les Arquantchas ou Akansas. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 200, Canons 4. Habitants environ 200, et une 
ioo ne de Negres pour faire du Tabac et du Maiz. 

1 The first part of this document to the final paragraph on p. 13 has been re- 
punctuated by the editor. 


Le Grand Oviat. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 200, Canons 8, Habitants environ 500, et 

Negres 300, pour faire du Mai/ et quelque peu de Bled. 
Le Petit Oviat. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 100, Canons 4, Habitants environ 100 et 

Negres 100 pour faire du Tabac et du Maiz. 
chez les Illinois sur le Mississippi. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 600, Canons 12, il y a 5 Villages Francois dont 

il y en a Deux ou il y a des soldats, Caszasiat et l'Etablissement. Les 

Autres sont gardes par les Habitants Eux-memes. II y a Une Saline, 

une Mine d'Argent et Une Mine de Plomb a 20 Milles des Villages; 

de l'autre Cote de la Riviere, il y a dans les 5 Villages environ 6000 

Habitants et 5000 Negres. On y fait beaucoup de Bled et du Maiz. 

Les sauvages Ennemis viennent souvent donner des Allarmes a ces 

Les Cachot. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Can" 4, Habitants point. 
Les Missouris. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Can 3 4, Habitants point. 
Les Cant ou Cansas. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Can 3 4, Habitants point. 
La Mobile situe au Bord de la Mer. 

Fort de Brique; soldats 3000, Canons 25. Habitants environ 3000, et 

Negres 5000, pour faire de l'lndigo, du Goudron beaucoup de 

Mats pour les Vasseaux du Ris et du Maiz. 
Chez les Alibamous. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Canons 4. Habitants point. 
Les Tonbebec, ou Tombeche. 

Fort de Bois; soldats 50, Can 8 2, Habitants point. 
Le Grand Baicoux. 

Fort de Terre; soldats 50. Canons 8, Habitants environ 200 et 

Negres 300 pour faire du Ris du Maiz et de l'lndigo. 
Quand nous avons deserte il y avoit dans le Pais 12000 soldats, la 
Desertion y est forte; il y en a beaucoup qui vont aux Espagnols. Nous 
avons deserte des Illinois le 16 Mars 1752 au Nombre de Vingt et trois, 
il y en a eu un de noie et un de perdu dans le Bois. Nous sommes 
arrives au Nombre de Vingt et un, Aux Chaovanons Le 26 May 1752. 




Soldats, Canons 

La Balise 

Fort de Terre situe sur le Bord de la Mer . 200 24 

Detour a L'Anglois 

2 Forts de Terre aux Bords du Mississipi 
L'Un d'un Cote et 1' Autre de l'Autre . . 150 30 

Sur l'un des Bords 

La Nouvelle Orleans 

Capitale du Pais 5000 40 

Les Oumas 

Fort de Bois 50 6 

Village d'Alleman 

Fort de Bois 50 4 

La pointe coupee 

Fort de Bois 50 4 

Les Natchitoches 

Fort de Bois 100 4 

le Village est situe sur le Bord de la 

Riviere Rouge a 4 Miles des Espagnols. 
Les Tonicas 

Fort de Bois 50 2 

Les Natches 

Fort de Terre 100 12 

Les Acansas 

Fort de Bois 200 12 

Les Illinois 

Fort de Bois 600 12 

Misere petit Village 

Fort de Bois sans Garnison 
La Prairie des Roches 

Village sans Fort 


Fort de Bois 200 8 

Petits Villages 

Fort de Bois sans Garnison 

Les Cachots 

Fort de Bois 50 4 








Soldats Canons Maisons 
Les Missouris 

Fort de Bois 100 4 

Les Canses 

Fort de Bois 50 4 

Le Grand Oviat 

Fort de Bois 200 8 200 

Le Petit Oviat 

Fort de Bois 100 4 Go 

La Mobile 

Fort de Briques 3000 24 400 

Tonbebec ou Tombeche 

Fort de Bois 50 2 

Alibamous ou Albania 

Fort de Bois 50 4 

Le Grand Bacoux. 

Fort de Terre 50 8 40 

Soldats 10,400 
Canons 220 
Maisons 2,610 

Besides the Several Forts and Garrisons in Louisianna they have the 
following ones in what they call there Government in Canada, which 
begins at the Mouth of the River Illinois. 

i° Pimiteoui a Fort on the Lake of the Illinois where the French 
have been settled ever since the Year 1682 and have all the Natives of 
the Country entirely at their disposal. 

2° Le Rocher a very impregnable Fort on the Top of a Rock in the 
Country of the Illinois and surrounded by a Village of the Miamis. 

3 d Mascoutins a small Fort 8c Mission among the Indians of that 

4 th Missilimakinac. 

5 S l Marie, which two places the French have been in possession of 
ever since those parts were known and have always maintained a small 
Fort & Garrison at each of them in order to protect their Indian Allies 
and those that carry on a Trade with them from their Enemies; but We 
cannot suppose that those places or their Forts & Garrisons at them 
are any way considerable as there is no occasion that they should be 
altho they are sufficient to take possession and are made strong enough 


to serve when occasion requires, which may be said of all the other 
little Forts & Settlements that they have in those Inland parts of 
America or indeed in any other places which we have hitherto so much 

These are all the settlements the French have in those parts of 
America to which they can Justly lay any Claim; all the rest above 
Montreal are in the Territories of the Six Nations and within the 
Dominions of Great Britain. 

6 Fort S l Joseph on the River of that Name where they have long 
had the most considerable place & Fortress of any in those remote 
Parts of America. 

7 ly S l Ignace a small Fort opposite to Missilimakiac to which they 
have lately removed their Garrisons from that Place & S l Maries. 

8'y Le Detroit 

9 ly Fort of the Miamis 

10 Sandoski 

1 1 Niagara 

12 Fort Toronto a small Fort that they have lately erected on the Bor- 
ders of the Lake Ontario opposite to Oswego in order to aw[e] the In- 
dians of the Six Nations on the North side of that Lake and to Inter- 
cept the Northern Indians as they go to Oswego. 

13 Cataracoui 

14 Chambli 

15 Fort Sorrel 

16 Crown Point 

The Account of the French Forts &c in Louisiana was given to M r 
Dinwiddie, Governor of Virginia, by a Deserter, who offered to take 
his Oath of the truth of it; It is certain from all Authoritys, that the 
French have actually the Number of Forts stated in this Paper; but 
it is to be doubted, whether they have so large a Military Force in 

[Endorsed] An Account of the Forts & Number of Men in Garrison in Louis- 
iana, given to Gov 1 ": Dinwiddie by a French Deserter in 7752 and 
transmitted by him to the Board of Trade, 775 . . with some Ac- 
count of the French Forts in Canada; taken from the French 
Authors 8c other Informat". 2 

2 The Board received Dinwiddie's list on March 8, 1753. Board 0/ Trade Journal, 
»749/50-i753. P- 4oi. 


Representation of the Board of Trade Relating 

to the French at the River St. Johns 


Whitehall, December 7: 1753. 
To the King's most Excellent Majesty. 

May it please Your Majesty, 

Having lately received a Letter from Peregrine Thomas Hopson 
Esq 1 ", Your Majesty's Governor of the Province of Nova Scotia, dated 
the 18 th of October last, in which he acquaints Us with the Intelligence 
he had received of the Strength and Proceedings of the French at the 
River S* Johns within that Province; We think it our Duty to lay 
before Your Majesty the annexed Extract of M r Hopson's Letter, and 
at the same time humbly to represent to Your Majesty, 

That We have had great Reason to believe, from the Accounts, 
which We have from time to time received from Your Majesty's Gover- 
nor of Nova Scotia, and more particularly from the manner in which 
the Indians of the River S l John's soon afterwards departed from that 
Treaty of Peace into which they entered with Your Majesty's Subjects 
upon the Arrival of the Settlers, that the French have always intended 
to fortify themselves at this River, although the Possession the French 
have gained of the Isthmus & their Ascendance over the Inhabitants of 
that District have till now prevented our receiving any positive and 
certain Intelligence of it. 

Uncertain however as our Accounts were, We thought it our Duty 
from time to time as We received them to lay them before Your Maj- 
esty's Secretary of State; and in a letter to His Grace the Duke of Bed- 
ford, dated the 16 th of January 1750/1, We represented to His Grace 
the fatal consequences which would inevitably follow from the French 
being suffered to take possession of this part of Your Majesty's Terri- 
tories, to which Your Majesty's Right has been so clearly & incontesta- 
bly proved. 

Some of the Evils pointed out in that Letter have already taken 
place, and others of a more extensive Nature will necessarily follow 
from this Settlement of the French, unless timely prevented, which We 
humbly beg Leave to submit to Your Majesty's Consideration. 

Should the French continue in possession of any Settlement on the 
River S 1 Johns, the direct Communication between Your Majesty's 
other American Colonies and Nova Scotia will be intercepted and 


broken, and that Province, instead of being a Barrier to the rest of 
Your Majesty's Dominion on the Continent of America, will be itself 
a separate Colony, exposed to the French encompassing it on every 
side; the force of Canada and Cape Breton will be united, and a Chain 
of Possession and Territory formed from Cape Breton thro' the Coun- 
try north of the Peninsular to the Post now erected at S l Johns River, 
which may hereafter be formidable to Your Majesty's Colonies and 
Interest in America; the extensive and very beneficial Trade to those 
parts for Lumber and Furrs, now chiefly carried on by Your Majesty's 
Subjects, in the continuance of which Your Majesty's Sugar Islands 
have so very immediate and important an Interest, will be left open to 
the French; France will directly secure to herself a Port in the Atlantic 
Ocean, than which nothing can be more advantageous to her, as it will 
remove from her Trade in America the many very heavy Inconven- 
iences now arising from the tedious, dangerous and sometimes im- 
practicable Navigation of the River S l Lawrence; and in one word 
several of those great commercial Advantages and national Views, for 
the Attainment & Security of which so large Sums have from time to 
time been chearfully expended by this Nation in the settling Nova 
Scotia, will be not only lost to Great Britain, but transferred to the 
Power of France. 

All which is most humbly submitted. 

Dunk Halifax. 

J. Pitt. 

J. Grenville. 


Fran. Fane. 
Cha 9 Townshend. 
Andrew Stone. 

Cadwallader Colden x to Halifax 2 


New York August the 3 d 1754. 
My Lord. 

Since the news-papers have informed us that Mons r Galissoniere, 
lately Governor of Canada, is appointed Commander of the French 
Squadron fitting out in the Mediterranean, it has given the same ap- 

1 Cadwallader Colden (1688-1776), since 1721 a member of the Council of New 
York, was a strong opponent of James DeLancey, the lieutenant governor. He became 
lieutenant governor himself in 1760, and as such defended the rights of the crown 
in successive administrations until 1775. 

2 George Montagu Dunk, Second Earl of Halifax (1716-1771), was president of the 
Board of Trade from 17.(8 to 1761. He was attached, though not as intimately as 
some other members of the group, to the Cumberland-Bedford faction. This letter, 


prehensions here, which I find some have in England of the destination 
of that Squadron; but as such designs cannot escape the Vigilance of 
His Majesty's Ministers, and we have no directions to be on our guard, 
I am confident there can be no foundation for such fears. However 
since the amity between the two crowns seems not firm, while acts of 
hostility continue both in America and the East Indies, I think it my 
duty to inform your Lordship of what I know of the present state of 
New York. We have a great number of fine large Cannon, above a hun- 
dred large, and, if I mistake not, above 150 of all sorts; but as I think, 
notwithstanding of this, that the place is in no condition of making any 
defence against the least force, which can be imagined will be sent 
against it, the great number of large cannon may be rather of preju- 
dice, than of advantage, by the Enemy's easily possessing themselves of 
them. Our Fortifications at best never could make a good defence. The 
Engineers Armstrong and Eyers [Eyre], who have been in New York 
lately, can inform your Lordship we have not one Engineer, nor one 
Gunner, nor any kind of Artillery men, nor any Magazine of Powder, 
and the fortifications such as they are now ruinous. I know not that we 
have one man in the Country, Except a Lieutenant or two of the Inde- 
pendant Companies, who ever were present at any military service. 
Two of the Companies are now removed to Virginia, and I believe 
your Lordship is informed what may be expected from them which 
remain. Our Militia is under no kind of discipline, nor do I think it 
possible to bring them under any, without being intermixt with regu- 
lar Troops. I had convincing proof of this in the year 1746 at Albany, 
when the forces of the Colonies designed against Canada were there. 
The Officers themselves could not be brought to observe discipline, 
notwithstanding of their suffering shamefully by want of it, on several 
occasions. The Inhabitants of the Northern Colonies are all so nearly 
on a level, and a licentiousness, under the notion of liberty, so gen- 
erally prevails, that they are impatient under all kind of superiority 
and authority. The French in America seem to have a most daring 
opinion of their superiority in conduct, and contempt of ours, as has 
appeared in several Instances. 

It appears from Charlevoix's History of New-France, that the French 
at several times formed designs of possessing themselves of New-York. 3 

and other letters in the following pages from Shirley. Laurence, and Hardv (pp. 22, 
26, 149, 154, 170), are private letters to him, and are not in the Board of Trade cor- 
respondence, the CO. 5 series, in the Puhlic Record Office. References to this letter 
are in the Cadwallader Colden Papers, IV, New York Historical Society Collections, 
1920. pp. 463, 469, 474. 

s De Charlevoix, in Hisloire et Description Generate de la Nouvelle France (174 p. 
II, 392-410, discussed the plans of de Callieres and de Denonville in 1689. 


Indeed no place on the Continent can be of such use to them, as 
thereby they would open a more safe and speedy communication with 
Canada than any they now have, and with the great Lakes thro' which 
they carry on their commerce with the inland Nations, and by the re- 
sources they may have from Canada in supporting themselves in the 
possession of it. All these advantages plainly appear from the French 
Maps; the English have none good. Mons r Galissoniere was Governor 
of Canada at the conclusion of the last war. He has the character of 
having great acquired as well as natural abilities, and of having been 
indefatigable in acquiring the knowledge of every thing, which can be 
of advantage to the French. He sent many Officers to New- York after 
the conclusion of the Peace, under pretence of regulating the Exchange 
of Prisoners, where it could not be difficult for them to learn every 
thing they wanted to know, and I am afraid they are too well apprised 
of all our weaknesses, which may make them attempt what otherwise 
they would not. If the French have any designs on new York, it cannot 
be secured with less than a regiment of regular Troops; in conjunction 
with such a number of Regulars, the Militia of the country may be of 
great service, and I am afraid they will otherwise be of little use in its 
defence against regular Troops. I know not the number of regular 
Troops in Canada, but I am told that the number is considerably in- 
creased since the peace. 

The Crown of Great Britain has an undoubted right to the naviga- 
tion of Lake Ontario or Cadarackui Lake, as it is entirely surrounded 
by the Countries belonging to the Five Cantons of Indians, and we 
have a fortified trading House with a small Garrison at the mouth of 
a River, which falls into that Lake, but we have made no use of the 
Navigation. The French have two small vessels on it. I am convinced 
with submission of opinion that one large armed Vessel with two or 
three smaller on that Lake would more effectually and with less ex- 
pence defeat the designs of the French on the inland parts of the Con- 
tinent, and their ingrossing the Trade with the Indian Nations than 
any other method, which can be thought of: At the same time it would 
be a security to the Southern Colonies; for every thing from Canada to 
the westward and southward must pass thro' that Lake. But the method 
of putting this in execution ought to be previously better concerted 
than our Enterprises in America have usually been. 

The Southern Colonies, who formerly thought themselves little con- 
cerned in the enterprises of the French on the Northern Colonies, now 
see the necessity of uniting for the common safety. Their Commission- 
ers, when they came to New York in their way to Albany to meet the 
Indians there, and found that my state of health did not permit me to 


go to the congress at Albany, communicated to me a scheme which 
they had formed for uniting all the Colonics in their mutual defence, 
and in their return informed me of what had been done, and likewise 
of a joint representation formed there of the state of the colonies in 
respect to the French and Indians, which your Lordship will find 
nearly agrees with what on several occasions I have formerly repre- 
sented. Tho' the Commissioners did agree to the plan, as formed at 
Albany, to be laid before their several Assemblies, they were not all 
equally satisfied with it; but they thought it better to agree in any one, 
than in none. The general purport of it is to constitute a President and 
grand Council for the Ceneral Government of the Colonies, and com- 
mand of their united military Force, and for the entire management 
of all Affairs with the Indians. The President to be appointed and sup- 
ported by the Crown, and the Council to be chosen by the several As- 
semblies, and supported by their Constituents. The General Expence 
to be provided for by a General Duty, by Act of Parliament, on some 
kinds of merchandise imported into the Colonies. In place of reason- 
ing, I think it better, with most humble submission, to tell your Lord- 
ship my own opinion of what I think may be the most easy and effectual 
method for uniting the Colonies for their mutual defence or annoy- 
ance of an Enemy. It is this, that the civil Government of the several 
Colonies remain as it is, but that all military affairs, and the com- 
mand of the Militia in all the Colonies be put under one Captain Gen- 
eral or General Officer, to act with the advice of a Council, either nomi- 
nated by the crown, or elected, or partly nominated, and partly elected. 
That this General Officer have the sole management of all affairs with 
the Indians, and of regulating the trade with them, with the Consent 
of the Council. But I believe, that no Gentleman, who knows the pres- 
ent state of the Colonies, will accept of this great trust, without having 
some regular troops under his command. Our Mother Country must 
for some time bear a considerable part of the charge, till the Colonies 
are more inured to bear the necessary expence of Government. An 
easy Duty on Wine, Rum, or other Spirits, Molossus and Sugar, to ex- 
tend equally thro' all the Colonies, would bring in a considerable sum, 
more than I believe is imagined, could it be fairly collected. The Mer- 
chants in America are so accustomed to despise all Laws of Trade, that 
if the duty be made high it will produce less than a small duty will. 
Your Lordship can be at no loss to discover the reasons why the Peo- 
ple of America are fond of elective Officers, tho' they be swayed sev- 
erally by different motives. However I have seen a King's Governor, 
by the esteem which he had universally obtain'd, carry the Authority 
of a Governor to all the length that a wise man would desire, and I 


have seen others brought to the lowest degree of contempt. Then your 
Lordship may believe, that I think the success in Government depends 
more on the choice which His Majesty's Ministers make of the Persons 
to govern us, than on any thing else. 

I have great reason to dread that I have presumed much too far; 
If the Subject does not excuse me, nothing else can. I trust to your 
Lordship's candour, that you'll perceive it done with a good intention, 
and that it cannot be with any personal or private view; and for this 
reason only I expect pardon for so bold an Intrusion on your Lord- 
ship's patience. 

I am with absolute Submission Y r L d ship's most obed 1 & most hum- 
b Ie Servant 

Cadwallader Colden. 

Governor William Shirley 1 to Halifax 

Falmouth in Casco Bay, Aug st 20th 1754 
My Lord, 

Your Lordship will perceive by my frequent Letters how desirous 
I am of obeying the commands, which your Lordship was pleas'd to 
honour me with, of writing to you often. 

My Public Letter to the Board, which I transmit by the same Ship 
with this, will discover to your Lordship at large the Service, that 
brought me to this place. 

The principal Object I have in view in it, is finally to get a Fort 
erected at or near the head of the River Kennebeck, of sufficient 
Strength to withstand any sudden Attack from Quebeck, (which is 
about 100 Miles distant from it) and capable of receiving such a num- 
ber of Men, as might be able to pay the French a visit upon occasion 
within a few days at that place, or at least to destroy all their Settle- 
ments on this side the River St. Laurence. 

I have it much at heart, My Lord, to compass this point, as it seems 
to me very clear, that the maintenance of such a Fort there would, in 
conjunction with one of the same strength, built on the eminence 

1 William Shirley (1694-1771) was governor of Massachusetts from 1741 to 1756 
and temporary commander in chief in America from August, 1755. to June, 1756. He 
deserves a full-length biographv, which has not yet heen written. For to the awaken- 
ing of imperialist sentiment in England prohahly no man, not even Pitt, contrihuted 
as much as this American governor. So high came to he the opinion in which the 
ministry held him that cahinets, for a hrief period in 1754, made his recommendations 
and suggestions their own. His misfortune was to he thrown into a command which 
only a professional soldier of extraordinary adaptabilities could successfully handle. 


which I have in a former Letter mention'd to your LAship, near the 
French Fort at Crown point, (which place is computed to be within 120 
miles distance of Montreal) put it in our power to make sudden de- 
scents upon Quebec and Montreal at one and the same time, with a 
superior force of Militia to that, which they could raise in Canada to 
resist us. 

The immediate good Effects of building these two Forts would be, 
that the latter of them would effectually command Fort St. Frederic, 
and fix such at least of the Castles of the five Nations, as are not gone 
over already to the French Interest, in a close Attachment to the Eng- 
lish; and both these Forts together by continually hanging over 
Canada, like two Thunder-Clouds, keep the French and their Indians 
in a proper Respect and awe of the English Colonies in that Quarter, 
and restrain them within their due limits, better than a thousand 
Treaties; and I can't but think, it would have a great tendency to 
prevent the French from pushing on their Encroachments further 
upon his Majesty's Western Colonies on this Continent. 

In preparing the way for erecting the propos'd fort at the head of 
Kennebeck River, I hope, my Lord, I shall have made a considerable 
progress before I leave this place. 

It was impracticable at the first step to have erected and supported 
the propos'd Fort, as high up the River as it's head, which is com- 
puted to be about 110 Miles distant from any English Settlement; the 
country on each side, as well as the Navigation of the river for the last 
70 miles is very little known to the English, and it could not be sup- 
ported at so remote a distance against a sudden attack from Quebec, 
without first building some intermediate Forts for securing stores in 
their transportation to it, and fortifying the other parts of the River. 

The River is not navigable for Sloops, or other small vessels higher 
than a place called Cushenoe, which is but 43 miles from the mouth, so 
that it is necessary to have one fort or defensible Magazine there; and 
at another place called Taconnett, which is but 20 miles above that, 
are falls 17 foot high; near which there is a small Portage or Carrying 
Place between the river Kennebeck and Sebastoocook; thro' the latter 
of which the Penobscot Indians have a communication with the Nor- 
ridgewalks, so that it is necessary to have another Fort there, as well for 
lodging the Stores designed for the Supply of the Fort at the head 
of the River (which must be landed at the Falls in their way thither) 
as for cutting off the the communication of the Penobscotts with the 
Norridgewalks, and Kennebeck River, thro' which lies the shortest and 
most commodious passage for the Penobscotts to Canada. 

At the first of these places a fort is already erected, and at the latter 


another is building, and will I hope be so far advanced as to have the 
cannon soon mounted, and I expect, when the Body of troops, which 
are now upon their march on each side of the river with Battoes for 
carrying their provisions up the river, and who have orders to survey 
the country with the course and navigation of Kennebeck up to the 
head of it, as well as to remove any French settlements, which they may 
find there, shall be return'd, that we shall then have knowledge enough 
of the river and country to judge which will be the most proper place 
for setting the Capital Fort at, and whether it will be necessary to 
build another fort between that and Taconnett. 

In the mean time this Fort at Taconnett will be impregnable by any 
Force the Indians can bring, and defensible even against the French 
themselves, unless they should attempt to transport cannon or Mortars 
thro' the woods on the back of it; which will be difficult for them to 
do: And besides the advantages I have before mention'd, it will cut 
off the Norridgewalk Indians from a very great Salmon fishery upon 
Taconnett falls, and other Subsistence on this river, in case of a rup- 
ture between Us and them, as also from making descents thro' it upon 
our eastern Settlements, which was the common rout of their Inroads 
into the Province in time of war: and it will moreover, by cutting off 
the Penobscotts from their communication with the River Kennebeck, 
render their going to Canada, and drawing support from thence very 
inconvenient and difficult, so that it will keep that Tribe, as well as 
the Norridgewalks, in a much greater dependance upon us than they 
have ever yet been. 

Before I came to this place I desir'd Col. Lawrence to assist me, in 
case I should find that the French had erected any Fort upon the river 
Kennebeck, or on the carrying place near the head of it, which might 
require the force of cannon or mortars to dislodge them, with such a 
small Train of Artillery, as might be requisite for that purpose, from 
Halifax (distant about 70 leagues from Kennebeck) which he promis'd 
to do upon 12 hours notice of my having occasion for them. 

I have the pleasure of a very cordial correspondence with that 
Gentleman, and to have receiv'd promising accounts of the new settle- 
ments he is engaged in; which there seems to be great reason, from his 
disposition for the public Service, and activity in it, to hope will suc- 

I find by his Letters, that from the experience, he hath had of the 
behavior and spirit of the Accadians in general, he is of sentiment with 
me, that the refusal of the revolted Inhabitants of Chicgnecto to com- 
ply with the terms, upon which they had permission given to return 
to their former possessions there, is happy for the country, and even 


thinks it would be fortunate, if a favorable opportunity should offer 
for ridding His Majesty's Government there of the French Inhabitants 
of the two districts of Minas and Annapolis River: And if the present 
conjuncture, when the French have their hands full of business upon 
the Ohio, and have given us such high provocations should be thought 
a proper time to dislodge them from their Forts upon the Isthmus and 
St. John's river, I cant but think the work would prosper well in his 
hands. That, my Lord, would indeed be a day of Jubile for His 
Majesty's northern Colonies; the Era from whence their deliverance 
from the clanger of French Incroachments might be dated; and I need 
not repeat to y r L d ship, how ready I am to contribute every thing in 
my power towards hastening this happy event: I took the liberty to 
mention to yr L (I ship at Horton, that if it should not be accomplish'd 
before an open rupture happens between the two crowns, an attempt 
might then be too late; and as my fears are easily alarm'd upon this 
occasion, I confess that the appointment of Monsr. La Galissoniere to 
command the Toulon Squadron, makes me think it possible that the 
destination of some part of the armament may be for an attempt upon 
Nova Scotia; He being the most proper Officer which France could 
employ upon such an enterprise. 

The open and avowed breaches of public faith already made by 
France in violent seizures of great part of that Province, and her in- 
stigations of the Indians to ravage the remaining part, and commit a 
most unpareU'd murder under the sanction of a flag of truce, as I look 
upon that of Captain Howe 2 to have been, will I hope excuse me in 
this case, if my apprehensions should be ill-grounded. 

The Commissioners for this Province at the late Congress at Albany 
for holding an interview with the Indians of the five Nations are re- 
turned from that service, since my being here, and the Principal of 
them hath sent me a copy of his Journal of the Proceedings there: The 
Appearance of Commissioners from so many of the English Govern- 
ments had I understand a very good effect upon the Indians; But their 
appearance was thinner I hear than was ever known upon such an 
occasion: To what causes that is to be ascribed, as also of the late 
wavering disposition of those Tribes, and falling off of some of them 
from the English Interest, it is necessary for His Majesty's Service that 
your Lordship should be fully apprised of; I am not furnish'd with 
the proper papers for that purpose here, but will take the first Op- 
portunity of doing it after my return to Boston. 

The Accounts we have had of the defeats of the Virginian Forces 

2 A brief sketch of Edward Howe, a member of the council of Nova Scotia who was 
killed in October, 1750, appears in J. C, Webster, The Forts of Chignecto (1930), p. 91. 


are very mortifying: Those rich western Colonies, which are so nearly 
concerned in the late Encroachments made by the French on the Ohio, 
have been double the time in raising about 800 men to oppose a great 
force of the French, who they were certain had made a considerable 
progress in building Forts within their territories, than this single 
Government hath been in raising the like number of Men, and build- 
ing two Forts, upon an uncertain Intelligence only that the French 
had made Settlements within the Limits of the Province; and for want 
of timely assembling even that force in one body, have been oblig'd to 
surrender the greatest part of them to the enemy. 

I have this day had the honor of your Lordship's Letter dated the 
14th of March by Mr. Yorke, and shall to the utmost of my power 
with great pleasure execute y r L d ship's commands for serving his In- 
terest, which I have given him an assurance of. 

1 am, with the highest respect, My Lord, Y r L d ship's most oblig'd and 
most devoted Servant. 

W. Shirley. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Charles Lawrence x to Halifax 


Halifax Aug st 23rd 1754. 

My Lord, 

I was honour'd with the receipt of y r L d ship's Letter of May the 29th 
by Capt n Rous; the Approbation you are pleased to express of my con- 
duct, and the permission I am indulg'd with of communicating my pri- 
vate thoughts to y r L d ship, are favours that will ever make the deepest 
impression upon my memory. I have by this Opportunity in my letter 
to the Board described at large the present Situation of our Affairs, 
and I should have been glad to have transmitted to their Lordships as 
exact an Account of what is going forward at Beau Sejour and St. 
John's River, but the Person, whom I sent to obtain intelligence, is 
not yet return'd, tho' every day expected. 

The Plan, that has hitherto been pursued, of making our Settle- 
ments under the protection of the Troops, has succeeded as well as 

1 Charles Lawrence (1709-1760), third son of Lieutenant General John Lawrence of 
Portsmouth, entered the army in 1727 as ensign in Montague's foot, and in the ten 
years from 1741 to 1750 rose in the 45th regiment from captain lieutenant to lieuten- 
ant colonel. His regiment was sent to Louisbourg in 1747, and to Nova Scotia after 
the peace. A member of the council in 1749, he became lieutenant governor of Nova 
Scotia in 1754 and governor in 1756. In 1757 he was given Jefferey's 3d battalion in the 
Royal American Regiment, and in 1758 the local rank of brigadier general in America. 
There is a sketch of him by James S. Macdonald in Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll., XII 
(1905), 19-58. 


could be expected, and I believe in a few years will so far answer the 
intention, as to enable us to Supply ourselves with the provisions we 
consume; but this Situation of Affairs, tho' it may make us appear in 
a more florishing condition to Strangers, has in reality this incon- 
venience, that our Troops are so much divided, and of consequence 
our military Strength so much impair'd, that We are in no condition to 
assert His Majesty's just rights, in the manner I could wish, against 
those unwarrantable Encroachm ,s the French have made on the North 
Side of the Bay of Fundy, where they are every day doing all in their 
power to inhance the difficulty of removing them, and from whence 
(particularly from Beau Sejour) they have made all their incursions 
upon us, and committed every kind of outrage: As this is a growing 
Evil, and the greatest Obstacle that can be imagined to your Lord- 
ship's design of establishing this Province, I should esteem myself 
most happy in having the least hint from y r L (1 ship how far any at- 
tempt I should make to dispossess them would be well received at 
home: If such a Step should be approved of, I flatter myself I could 
with Mr. Shirley's assistance raise a Body of Men in New-England, 
which joined to the few troops we could muster on so good an occasion 
would I believe make a pretty successful Campaigne. 

If Yr L d ship should approve of this for our next Summer's Employ- 
ment, I believe it would be necessary to postpone the Settlement at 
Chibnaccadee I have now propos'd to the Board, till we are more at 
leisure, but it will be most useful to have a fort there at any rate, as it 
will command all the Settlements, where the French Inhabitants are, 
prevent in a great degree the incursions of the Indians, and put us in 
(almost) secure possession of the most fertile pleasant Country we have 
yet discover'd. 

Immediately on the receipt of the Letter I had the honor to receive 
from the Board of March the 4th, 2 I set about clearing the land for the 
battery their L d ships have order'd Mr. Brewse to build, and have done 
every thing in my power to make the necessary preparations for that 
work, against Mr. Brewses Arrival, tho' I cannot in duty to Y r L d ship 
omit acquainting you that I greatly fear this Battery, and the Works 
on George's Island will not altogether answer the end of keeping Ships 
out of the harbour, as the passage is full wide for the Shot to do much 
execution upon Ships, that are coming in with a fair Wind, and when 
they have passed, we are intirely defenceless for want of those Batteries, 
that were formerly projected in the front of the Town. 

2 The reference is apparently to the Board of Ordnance, under whose orders John 
Brewse served as engineer, and not to the Board of Trade letter of that date, printed 
in part in Thomas B. Akins. ed., Selections from the Public Documents of the Prov- 
ince of Nova Scotia (1849), I, 207. 


I thought myself the more bound in duty to lay before your L d ship 
my opinion of the insufficiency of the new Battery, as it is probable, if 
we should attempt driving the French from that important Post of 
Beau Sejour, the Ships of War that are every Year at Louisbourg, 
which are generally at least a Sixty four, a thirty Six, and an eighteen 
Gun Ship, would make some Attempt upon this place, unless we had 
more naval Force for our protection. 

I hope by the Fall of the Year to give Yr L d ship a perfect Account 
of the Situation of the French in the Bay of Fundy, As the Person I 
have sent will bring me information of their Numbers, and the Forts 
and Settlements they have made and Captain Rous is just now setting 
out upon a cruise to discover whether they have done any thing 
towards the Water. 

It has long been the Object of my Attention to take some Step that 
might contribute to ease that heavy and important Article of Pro- 
visions for the Troops; I am afraid if we depend upon the gradual 
progress, that is made by the Settlers in clearing the land, it will be 
a long time before it can be brought to bear. If indeed the French were 
driven from the Bay of Fundy, Chicgnecto (as it is already a fine 
cleared Country) would soon become a florishing Settlement, and the 
same expectations might be had from Annapolis Royal, Piziquid and 
Minas, when the Inhabitants were brought under proper Submission 
to His Majesty's Government; but still at Halifax, and the neighbour- 
ing Posts, where the greatest part of the Troops must generally reside, 
Provisions would be very dear, as the Inhabitants do not find that 
immediate profit in clearing Land they expect from other kinds of 
Labor; To remedy this Inconvenience, as well as many others that 
arise from the neglect of Agriculture, a Sum of £4000 or £5000 over 
and above the usual Grant, to be disposed of, with the Advice and 
consent of the Council here, in Bounties upon bringing Land under 
actual Improvement, would not fail of a good Effect; And such an 
Encouragement I am persuaded would contribute greatly to bring 
many considerable Settlers here from the Continent; As this, tho' so 
apparently useful, might seem a glaring Article in the Estimate, I have 
not presumed to insert it, but have taken the liberty humbly to submit 
it to y r L d ship's consideration. 

The late Ill-Success of our Arms upon the Continent under Col. 
Washington, together with the disunion of the Colonies, and the dis- 
cord which subsists in general between the Provinces and their Gov- 
ernors on account of the necessary Subsidies, will I fear contribute so 
much to strengthen the French in their Encroachments to the South- 


ward, that they will soon begin as heretofore to give us all the Trouble 
they are able; While the Opportunity yet remains I would willingly en- 
deavour to put it out of their power, and that effectually: The first and 
indeed the only important Step, as I before acquainted y r L'ship, 
would be the Demolition of Beau Sejoin ; And when that is done the 
French Inhabitants on that side must either be removed to this, or 
driven totally away by Fire and Sword; for if all the villages beyond 
Beau-Sejour are not destroyed, and some of the Dykes cut, The French 
(who will easily know that the Force we had collected was but occa- 
sional) would immediately return to take possession of their habita- 
tions, and rebuild their Forts. 

I fear it would be vain to move for another Regiment to be sent to 
Us, tho' it would be indisputably of the greatest Use (Especially now 
that the Troops are so divided, and the duty severe) towards both ob- 
taining and preserving His Majesty's just Rights: Could that once be 
performed, it might be well expected that our natural Strength would 
increase so fast, that we should soon be able to defend and support our- 
selves with very little Expence to England: On the other hand, if it 
cannot, that is, if the French Fort is to Stand, either on account of the 
Expence necessary for destroying it, or for any other reasons, that I 
cannot judge of, in that case I fear our Progress will prove very slow; 
and I would with all submission entreat y r L d ships Leave to erect the 
Fort, proposed to be rais'd on Chebunaccadie River, as the next best 
expedient for securing the interior Parts of the Province. 

If any thing I have now the honor to propose should be approved of, 
and thought proper to be carried into execution, I need not represent 
to Y r Ldship how necessary it would be that I should know it as early 
as possible, as the Success of such an undertaking depends very much 
thereon; Not only as I must apply to Mr. Shirley, before I can begin, 
but if it could be carried thro' before the Ships of War from France 
arrive at Louisbourg, we shall be in a better capacity to repell any 
Attempt they may form to revenge or reinstate themselves. 

After being honour'd with Y r L d ship's permission to write without 
reserve on Provincial Affairs, I humbly hope the uncommon length 
of this Letter will not be look'd upon by your L d ship as exceeding 
my duty, and I flatter myself it's imperfections will be overlook'd 
thro* y r L d ship's extreme Goodness, which I have already so largely 
and so happily experienced. 

I beg leave to Subscribe myself with the greatest gratitude and re- 
spect, My Lord, Y* L d ship's most obedient and most humble Servant. 

Cha s Lawrence. 


Postscript Aug st 26th 

Yesterday, My Lord, arrived the Ship Cornwallis with Mr. Brewse 
on board, and the Tools for erecting the Battery on the Eastern Shore, 
which work I shall make the cheif Object of my Attention, and use my 
utmost endeavours, that it be carried on with all possible Expedition. 

The Person I sent to St. John's River is also returned, and I have 
related his Account at large in my letter to Y r L d ship's Board; the most 
material Circumstance being that the French have there only an Officer 
and sixteen Men in the old Earth Fort, which is in a ruinous Condi- 
tion, has three bad Guns in it, and that they have not raised (as was 
reported) any other Fort whatever on that River. 

He also adds that the French are every day strengthening the Fort 
at Beau Sejour, but by his account of it's bigness, and the manner in 
which the necessary Barracks and Buildings are crowded into it, I am 
of opinion a Couple of Mortars would fire it about their Ears in half 
an hour. I am, Y r L d ships most dutiful Humb le Servant. 

Cha s Lawrence. 

Account of the French Forts in Canada and upon 

the Lakes 1 [October, 1754] 


FORT S* VINCENT upon Miamis River at the West end of Lake 

a Logg Fort, no Guns, 16 Regulars, and 2 Officers. 
SANDOSKI upon the south side of Lake Erie. 
A Logg Fort, no Guns, 8 Regulars, and one Officer. 
Le DETROIT a Logg Fort, no Guns only a few Chambers, 35 Regu- 
lars, 200 Militia, can collect about 300 Indians. 

NIAGARA two Forts; one small wooden one 9 Miles above the head 
of the Falls, no Guns, 6 Men; another 9 Miles below the falls at the 
Place where the River empty's itself into the Lakes, built of stone, 2 
Bastions, 40 Men, 4 Officers, Eight Guns— 6 Pounders. 
Imagined it may be taken without Cannon; a few Shells would in- 
fallibly destroy it. 

TORONTO a Square Fort of Wood, no Guns, 20 Regulars, 2 Officers. 
CADARAQUI Stone Fort, Strength and Number of Men the same 
as Niagara. 

1 This list has hecn punctuated by the editor. 


N.B. The French have 2 Barks upon the Lakes 60 Ton each, no 

Guns, about 7 Men. 
LA GARRETTE Thirty Leagues down S l Lawrence River. 
Block Fort, no Guns, 15 or 20 Men and an Officer. 
FORT S l MARIE further down the River, a Wooden Fort, no Guns, 
15 or 20 Men. 

IROQUOIS FORT Three Leagues further down the River. Wooden 
Fort, 15 or 20 Men, no Guns. 

MONTREAL, 4 Company's. Town consists of 4 Streets surrounded 
with a Stone Wall, no Ditch capable of mounting any Cannon but only 
lew mounted for Salutes. 
QUEBEC, 6 Coinpanys of Regulars. 

NB The foregoing account was given to Lord Halifax the 14 th of 
October 1754 by John Defievre late a Matross in Captain John Chal- 
mers Company was discharged at the time of the Reduction, went to 
America and was a servant to an Indian Trader upon the Ohio, was 
taken Prisoner by the French in 1 749 and carried through their several 
Settlements to Quebec from whence he was sent to Louisburg and made 
his Escape to Rhode Island. 

John Defievre has now a Pension from the Ordnance. 

Different Routes in North America [1754] 

Route from Williamsburg to the French Fort, upon Lake Erie near 
the Ohio by Land. 

From Williamsburg to Fredericksburg across two Ferries, one over 
Pamunkey River, the other over Mattapony River at the Places marked 
in the Map. 100 Miles. 

From Fredericksburg to Winchester 90 Miles, i.e., 70 to the Moun- 
tains and 20 beyond them. 

From Winchester to Wills's Creek. 50 Miles. 

Thus far the Road is very good, and passable with all sorts of Car- 

From Wills's Creek to Gist's Plantation on the Monongehela 70 

From Gist's Plantation to the Forks 50 Miles. Here the Fort built by 
Us and taken by the French is situated. 

From the Forks to Loggs Town. 20 Miles. 


From Logg's Town to Venango 60 Miles. Here the French are sup- 
posed to have another Fort. The Form and Strength of it and the Num- 
ber of Men in Garrison unknown. 

From Venango to the head of Riviere aux Bceuffs 70 Miles. Here is 
a Fort built by the French in the Year 1753, situated on the South 
Side of the River near the Water; and is almost surrounded by the 
Creek, and a small Branch of it which forms a kind of Island; Four 
Houses compose the Sides; the Bastions are made of Piles driven into 
the ground, standing more than 12 feet above it, and sharp at top, with 
Port-holes cut for Cannon, and Loop-holes for the small Arms; there are 
eight six Pound Pieces mounted in each Bastion, and one Piece of four 
Pound before the Gate. In the Bastions are a Guard-House, Chapel, 
Doctor's Lodgings, and the Commander's private Store, round which 
are Plat-forms for the Cannon and Men to stand upon; there are 
several Barracks without the Fort for the Soldiers dwelling, covered 
some with Bark and some with Boards made chiefly of Logs. 

N.B. From Wills's Creek to this Place there is no Road but what the 
Indians and Traders have made thro' the Woods. 

From Riviere aux Bceuffs to Presque Isle upon Lake Erie is 20 
Miles. Here is another Fort built by the French in 1753; it is about 
120 feet square, and built of Chesnut Logs squared and lapt over each 
other to the height of 15 feet; a Log-House at each Angle, and two 
Gates one to the Southward and another to the Northward. 

From Riviere aux Bceuffs to this Place there is a Waggon Road made 
by the French. 

N.B. The French have now upon the Ohio & in their different Forts 
about 1500 Regulars, & are said to have been joined by 500 or 600 
Ottoway Indians. 

Route to the Ohio by Water. 

From the Mouth of Potomack River to the Great Falls is 170 Miles, 
navigable for Vessels of 200 or 300 Tons. 

From Alexandria at the lower part of the Falls to where the River 
is again navigable, a Land Carriage of 30 Miles good Road. 

From hence to next Falls thro' the blue Ridge 60 Miles, navigable 
for Canoes carrying about 1000 W l . 

Land Carriage of 3 or 4 Miles to where the River is again navigable. 

From hence to Wills's Creek 200 Miles, navigable for small Boats, 
which will carry about 1000 Weight. 


From Wills's Creek a Waggon Road to the Head of Vaughyaughgani 
River Ho Miles. 

From the Head of Vaughyaughgani River to the Forks, distance un- 
known, navigable lor Boats carrying about 1000 Weight. 

From the Forks up the Ohio to Venango, distance unknown, the 
Current not rapid. 

From Venango to the head of Riviere aux Bauds the Navigation im- 

N.B. There is said to be a nearer Way to the head of Vaughyaughgani 
River than that from the Mouth of Wills's Creek, which is to go up 
Wills's Creek, some times called the Northern Branch of the Potomack, 
navigable for small Boats, near the head of which is a Gap through 
the Mountains to the head of Yaiighyaughgani River at the distance of 
not more than 20 Miles. 

Route from Winchester to New York. 

From Winchester to Lancaster 100 Miles. 

From Lancaster to Philadelphia 68 Miles. 

From Philadelphia to Trenton 30 Miles. 

From Trenton to New York 66 Miles. 

N.B. A Good Waggon Road passable for all sorts of Carriages. 

Route from New York to Niagara. 

From New York to Albany 140 Miles up Hudson's River. 

From Albany to Schenectady by Land 16 Miles, good Road. 

From Schenectady to the head of Mohawks River about 90 Miles. 

From the head of Mohawks River to Oneyda River Land Carriage 
about 4 Miles. 

From Oneyda River to Oneyda Lake about 30 Miles. 

From Oneyda Lake to Oswego 60 Miles. 

From Oswego to Niagara along the Lake about 100 Miles. 

Niagara Fort before the Year 1749 was only built of Logs palisaded, 
but since that time has been made a strong Sc regular Fortification of 


Sketch of Regulations & Orders Proposed Relating 

to Affairs of North America. November, 1754 

and Qu/Eries Relating to the Same 1 


That Sir Peter Halket's, & Colonel Dunbar's Regiments of Foot be 
sent from Corke to Virginia; consisting of 30. Serjeants, 30. Corporals, 
20. Drummers, & 500. private Men, each Regiment; To be augmented 
to 700., Rank & File, each Regiment, in Virginia, N° Carolina, S° 
Carolina, Maryland, & Pennsylvania. 

That Directions be sent to the Governors of those Colonies, re- 
spectively, to make the proper Dispositions for the said Augmentation. 

That Cloathing be provided here; And 

That the Board of Ordnance furnish compleat Arms, & Tents for the 
Two said Regiments. 

That the Admiralty do provide Transport Vessels, with Victualling, 
& Bedding, for the said 1000. private Men, their Officers, & respective 
Attendants, &c a , &c a , &c a . And also, Two Ships of the Line, & Two 
Frigates, for the said Service. 

That 1000. Barrels of Beef, & 10. Tons of Butter, be provided in 
Ireland, & put on Board with the said Troops, for their immediate Use 
upon their Arrival; &, in case They have no Occasion for Them, That 
the said Provisions be turned over to the Navy. 

That M r Pitcher be appointed Commissary of the Musters of all 
His Maj ty ' s Forces, That are, or shall be, employed, in His Maj ty ' s 
Colonies, & Provinces, in N° America; & the Governors, & Command- 
ing Officers, respectively, be directed to give Him all Assistance, in the 
Execution of that Duty. 

That Sir John Sinclair be appointed Deputy Quarter Master Gen- 
eral. And 

That They be Both dispatched to America, forthwith. 

That Directions be given to the Governors in N° America, to pro- 
vide fresh Victuals, for the said Troops, against their Arrival, at the 
Expence of their respective Governments. 

That Directions be, likewise, sent to the Governors, To provide all 

1 Another copy of this document, headed "Memoranda with regard to the intended 
emharcation for North America. Oct. 22, 1754. Rec'd from Sir Thomas Robinson." is 
in the Hardwicke Papers, Add. MSS. 3r»9°9> f. 196. A note in the hand of the second 
Lord Hardwicke reads: "N.B. This plan was probably formed by Cumberland, Mr 
Pitt early declared that it did not go far enough." The document is in memorandum 
form, written on the right-hand side of the page only. 


Officers, who may have Occasion to go, from Place to Place, with all 
Necessaries for Travelling by Land, in case there are no Means of going 
by Sea: And, in general, 

That the Commander's Orders be obeyed, every 

where, for Quartering Troops, and Impressing Car- 

XB. That Dupli- "ages, & providing all Necessaries for such Troops, 

rates of these Let- as may arrive, or be raised, in their respective Gov- 

ters to the Cover - 

pose, be sent by That Two New Regiments be raised in N° Amer- 

feLieu^Col^Mer 1 ' ica - at 100 °- P™ate Men Each Regiment, under the 

cer. Command of Gov r Shirley, & Sir William Pepperell. 

That a certain Number of Half Pay Officers be sent 

from England for the said Two Regiments. 2 

That Blank Commissions be sent, for the Rest, to be appointed, in 
America, by the said Two Colonels. 

That the said Two Colonels do appoint their own Agents. 

That the Cloathing of the said Two Regiments be sent from Eng- 

That Governor Shirley's Regiment do rendezvous at Boston; And 
Sir William Pepperell's, at New York, & Philadelphia. 
Q. i mo . As to the Commencement of the Establishment of the said 

Q. 2 do . As to the Manner of providing the Levy Money for the said 
Two Regiments; & for Compleating the Two Irish Regiments, from 
500., to 700. Men, Each? 

Q. 3 Uo . As to the General Regulation of the Subsistence of the King's 
Troops, whilst in America? 

That Maj r Gen 1 Braddock be appointed to command in Chief all 
His Maj ty ' s Forces in N° America, & be sent thither, as soon as con- 
veniently can be, with all the Authorities, and Instructions, proper for 
this Service. 

That Two proper Persons be sent, The One to the 

Southern, the Other, to the Northern, Indians, to 

Colonel Johnson. —,, , . , . . TT . - T .... 

engage Them to take part with, &; join His Maj t5 s 

Forces, in their several Operations. 

That the Board of Ordnance do furnish, for this Expedition, 
Six light Six pounders. 
Four light Twelve pounders. 
Four Hautbitz. 
with a full proportion of Stores. And, also, Compleat Arms, & Tents, 

2 This statement is queried in the Harchvicke copy. 


for the Two Regiments, to be raised in N° America, abovementioned. 

That the said Board do provide a proper Number of Vessels for this 

That One principal Engineer, & Four Inferior Engineers, be ap- 
pointed, together with about 100. Persons, to attend the Train, who 
are to be furnished with Victuals, on Board their own Store Ships, by 
the Commissioners of His Maj ty ' s Victualling. 

That the Provincial Officers, in America, shall have their Rank as- 
certained, in the following manner; viz 1 . That their General, & Field 
Officers, shall not roll with the King's Regular Forces, but only have 
the Inspection, & Direction, of their Provincial Corps.— That, If any 
of these Provincial Troops should be employed with Detachments of 
the King's Regular Troops, Their Captains shall be Junior to all Cap- 
tains, who have the King's Commission: In like manner, Their Lieu- 
tenants to be Junior to all the Lieutenants; And their Ensigns to be 
Junior to all the Ensigns, who bear the King's Commission:— For 
which purpose, a Regulation shall be issued, by Order of Council; & 
printed Copies thereof shall be dispersed in N° America. 3 

Considerations Relating to Measures to Be Taken 

with Regard to Affairs in North America. 1 

November 1754 


There seem to be three Methods of disappointing the present In- 
croachment and preventing the like for the future, 
i st . That of dispossessing the French from their present Establishment 
by bringing a sufficient Body of Forces together in that part, European, 
Provincial and Indian, with a proper Quantity of Artillery and Stores, 
to attack and drive them out from the three or four Forts which they 
have already built, and in other Places to remain upon the Defensive; 
2 d . To carry on other Attacks in different Places at the same time in 
order to produce a Diversion of their Forces; 

3 d . To make the principal Attack in other Places, (if such shall be 
found more proper for that purpose,) whereby their present intended 

3 This statement is queried in the Hardwicke copy. 

1 The author of these "Considerations" was well acquainted with New York prob- 
blems. The argument for building a fort at Tierondoquat (the Senecas' landing-place 
between Oswego and Niagara) had long been advanced by New York governors. He 
knew also the two points upon which the ministry were determined: to commit no 
overt act of aggression on French territory; and to save expense. Lord Halifax best 
fits these qualifications. 


Project may, by such Diversion, be either abandoned, or so weakened, 
as that it may be broke up by a very small Force. 

These three Methods are equally just, as the French Establishments 
at Niagara and Crown Point within the New York Frontier, or where 
they possibly may attempt one further down upon the Ohio on the 
Frontier of Carolina, are Incroachments upon the British Rights 
equally unjustifiable with that of their present one upon the Head of 
the Ohio. The Preference therefore to either of these three Measures 
is to be determined upon from Circumstances of Conveniency only, i.e., 
by which of them Great Britain may be enabled to bring the greatest 
Force to operate most effectually and with the least Charge. 

With respect to the first, there seem to be the following Objections 
to it, 

i st . The Strength of the French by their Forts already built, furnished 
with Artillery, Stores & Provisions, and the Number of Forces collected 
in and about them upon a digested Plan to a certain point of view. 
2 d . The established Communication by water, not only betwixt that 
Place and Canada, but their Settlements among the Western Indians, 
whereby all Convoys of Stores, Provisions and auxiliary Forces may be 
brought to them with the utmost Facility, as they are secured by a 
Chain of Forts. 

3 th . All the Indians in that part seem to be in a great measure gained 
to the French Interest. 

4 th . The Western and Far Indians must remain and continue in their 
Interest from the same Causes. 

5 th . The Difficulty on the part of the English of bringing any proper 
Force to attack these Forts with a probability of Success, while this 
Communication is suffered to remain as it is, from which Circumstance 
and the Nature of the Ground, it seems probable, that 1200 French 
in and about the Forts already built, with their Indian Auxiliaries, 
may be able to defend them at least against four times their Number, 
which could not be brought to act without a very great Expence and 
very great Difficulty from the back Settlements of Virginia 150 Miles 
distant from these Forts; and as all Convoys of Provision for their 
Subsistence, as well as the Artillery, must be brought the same length 
of Way thro' a Country full of Woods, it is sufficiently obvious how 
liable they would be to be intercepted. 

6 th . The great Improbability of any Indian auxiliary Force, if the 
Design is confined to the single Attempt of dispossessing the French 
from their present Establishment on the Ohio; For the Indians in that 
part are already lost and intimidated, and the five Nations upon the 


back of New York will, it is feared, hardly be brought to act at such a 
distance from their own Residence, while the Forts Niagara, Fron- 
tenac and Crown Point are left to subsist upon their Backs: fear would 
prevent them, whatever their Interest or Affection might otherwise 
lead them to; and from the Manners of those People it is hardly to be 
presumed, that they would have any great Confidence in a Scheme for 
dislodging the French from an Incroachment upon the Territory of 
Virginia, while such manifest ones as those of New York, and in which 
they themselves were so strongly interested were suffered to subsist. 
7 th . Because even the other Colonies will hardly be brought to act to 
a proper Extent either of Force, Money or Authority, while the Project 
is confined to Virginia. 

These Objections make it probable, that the first of these Methods 
is not the most eligible. 

As to the second, the different Attacks upon different Places seem 
to be the most effectual Means of harrassing and distressing the 
Enemy; yet as unsuccessfull Attempts of this kind are attended with 
manifest Inconveniences, and to make them all with a probable Ex- 
pectation of Success, would require a very large Expence, it will be 
found perhaps necessary, that, tho' Preparation should be made for 
various Attacks in order to distract the Forces of the Enemy, yet that 
one principal one should be chiefly intended, for which such Prepara- 
tion should be made, and such Measures laid down as to leave little 
human Probability of a Disappointment. 

It is therefore necessary the third Proposition should be examined, 
viz. If there are not to be found some more convenient Places, where 
the French may be dispossessed of Incroachments upon the back of 
New York with greater Facility than from this on the Ohio, and which 
in their Consequences might even make this more easy and at a less 
Charge of Force and Expence. 

And there seem to be the following Reasons for thinking, that this 
is the Case both with respect to the French Forts of Niagara and 
Crown Point. 

i st . The Communication from Albany to Oswego is already easy, and 
from thence no great Difficulty of carrying any Force or Artillery to 
drive the French from Niagara, and to build a Fort at Terondoquat, 
which is assured to be the best Harbour upon the Lake Ontario, where 
armed Vessels may be built and an Establishment made with good 


2". By these Measures the five Nations would be absolutely detached 
from the French, & secured in the Interest of Great Britain. 
3' 1 . The whole of this Indian auxiliary Force would be brought to 
operate in the most effectual Manner by intercepting all Communica- 
tion between the French upon the Ohio and Canada by the Lake 
Ontario; it would open a way for those Indians to attack the French 
Western Indians and their Settlements in those Parts, to the Defence 
of which they would probably be obliged to recall a great part of their 
Force, French as well as Indian, now employed upon the Ohio; it 
would open a Way for attacking the French upon the Ohio from a 
different Quarter than that from the Back of Virginia; and would 
probably have a very great Influence in recovering the Ohio Indians 
from their present Dependence upon the French, by the Authority and 
Influence of the five Nations. 

4 th . It would insensibly and infallibly engage the Province of New 
York in Measures of Hostility, which it is feared will hardly be accom- 
plished, if an Establishment upon the Ohio and the Interest of Vir- 
ginia appear to be the only Object of them. 

5 th . This Link of the Chain betwixt Canada and the Ohio being once 
broke would probably make the French abandon their present Under- 
taking, or at least reduce them to the employing so small a Force upon 
it as would put it in the power of the Virginia, Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land Governments to break it up. 

6 th . An Attack upon Crown Point might probably be made with Suc- 
cess, tho' it would not be attended with all the Advantages that would 
result from the taking of Niagara. 

The New York, Massachusets and New Hampshire Governments 
would probably be brought to relish this Undertaking, and its Vicinity 
to them would probably render it easy in its Execution; but it plainly 
would not have such good Effect in cutting off the Communication be- 
twixt Canada and the Ohio, nor so great an Influence upon our In- 
dian Auxiliaries; but if a proper Spirit be exerted in the Colonies, and, 
in consequence of His Majesty's Orders, a considerable Body of Men 
be raised, the French might be dispossessed of their Incroachments 
both at Crown Point and Niagara, which would be the greatest Service 
that could be done the British Cause in America, and the greatest and 
most effectual Check that could be given the ambitious Designs of 


Remarks on the Pass of Niagara. Nov. 1754 l 

To Denonville or Niagara Fort by way of the Ohio is 600 MILES 
and Upwards, but from SUSQUEHANNA River at the head of 
CHESAPEAK bay, or from the head of DELAWARE River, the great- 
est Distance does not exceed 250 Miles, so that besides the Vast differ- 
ence in the March, the following Advantages it is humbly Appre- 
hended will attend going first to NIAGARA. 

Taking it for granted that the Regular Forces now intended for the 
OHIO, with what Aids they will receive from our AMERICAN Colo- 
nies, will be able to drive the French from every post they now hold 
in that Quarter, And to demolish their little Insignificant Temporary 
Forts there, in a very short time; if this should happen, the French will 
retire from place to place untill they arrive at NIAGARA, where they 
have several Stone Forts comparatively speaking very Strong, & if ever 
they are able, or determin'd to make a Stand in any part of NORTH 
AMERICAN Disputed Territories it will be there, because it is the 
only Communication they have from CANADA to the Rivers OHIO 
or MISSISSIPPI, or that they can ever acquire so as to enable them to 
Transport a great Number of Men, Artillery, Stores Provisions &c. 
that way, because the Lake ONTARIO is the only one of the five great 
Lakes that has a Communication with the River S l LAWRENCE, or 
the French Metropolis QUEBECK, and likewise with the Lake ERIE 
by the River NIAGARA, near which are the heads of the OHIO, S 1 
JEROMES &c, So that by the loss of Niagara the French on the OHIO 
will be obliged to Retire or Starve in a few Months, which will answer 
the same End as if they were beat off. 

If our Army should be finally obliged to go to the OHIO it is Still 
humbly thought, that the best scheme is to reduce NIAGARA first, for 
from that to the Ohio is all Water Carriage but about 20 or 30 Miles 
and with the Stream mostly, And the French there can receive no Sup- 
plys from CANADA, if we are possess'd of NIAGARA, whereas by go- 
ing first to the Ohio that Communication remains Uninterrupted both 
to and from Canada, the Consequence of which will be, that whatever 
Numbers or Supplys that Country Can afford will be immediately Sent 
to Niagara, which with the French Suppos'd to retire before us from 
the Ohio, will make a much greater Force than we should meet with 

1 These "Remarks" can be tentatively ascribed to a London merchant concerned 
with the colonies, perhaps to Sir John Barnard, whose plan of operations was dis- 
cussed at a cabinet on November 10, Add. MSS. 32,995, f. 342. 


in any one place were we to Attack Niagara first, while the Freiu li ex- 
pect us on the Ohio. If to secure possession of the Ohio it is thought 
Necessary to Build Forts on it, there must in that Event be three at 
least, & these at a vast Distance from one another, Supported at a great 
Expence in very remote & Unsettled Countries, Whereas the pass of 
Niagara may be easily fortify 'd 8c defended R: may at all times be well 
Supply'd, as it lys nearly centrical to all our Colonies, And not above 
150 Miles from Crown point; this pass being yet the only Communica- 
tion the Canada French have with the Ohio, their being depriv'd of 
it will render any Forts there unnecessary, for the French at the Mouth 
of the Mississippie having 1000 Miles & more to the Mouths of the 
OHIO will not probably attempt comming there, when they find their 
Communication with Canada cut of, And if they should, one Strong 
Fort at the Mouth of S l Jeromes River where it joins the Ohio, will 
intirely prevent them. 

Memorial and State of the Exchange with the 
British Colonies in North America 


? 1754 

WHAT is calld the Par of Exchange in our American Colonies, is 
the price fix'd on Dollars by the Several Legislatures, or the Sum of the 
Respective Currencies which by the same Authority is made the Stated 
Equivalent for £100 Ster 1 . But as Bills of Exchange are a Merchandise, 
they often rise & fall Considerably, According as it [is] easie or difficult 
to get them, or the Demand for them greater or less. 

The Purchasers of Bills are commonly such Merchants as want to 
make Remittances to Europe, the West Indies or any of the other 
Colonies, and the Ballance of Trade being mostly against our Colonies 
in favour of Britain, they are obliged to make a great part of their 
Remittances in Money or Bills, and the Exchange or price they give for 
these Bills, is a good deal Regulated by the price of Silver in London 
of which they have Advice by every Ship. And when Silver is so dear 
in London as to bear the charge of Freight, Insurance, Commission &c, 
Exchange falls in America or the Specie is remitted, but as that is not 
allwise the Case, they generally chuse good Bills & give the full Value 
for them rather than be at the trouble of Remitting the Cash; but if 
at any time there should be a greater Demand for money than for 
Bills in America, (which might often happen if a Number of Troops 

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were amongst them) then the Merchants, ever Mindfull of their own 
Interest, would not fail to take the Advantage, and in such Event the 
Proprietors or Sellers of Hills must lose from £5 to i$p Cent, from 
which it is Obvious, that Regular Forces sent to America should never 
be totally without a Resource of ready Money within themselves to 
prevent their being under a Necessity of Selling Bills at so great a loss. 
Suppose therefore that Six Months Subsistence should be sent with 
the Troops intended for America, for themselves & those to be levied 
there, it would Render them Independent of the Merchants, who in 
that Event would Court their Favour, and the Principal of them would 
probably oiler to Contract at the most reasonable Rate for what Money 
might be Afterwards wanted; this ready Cash however not to be ex- 
pended but in part, & only at times & places where Bills cannot be 
Sold for their full Value. 

The Principal, if not the only, places where Bills need be Negotiat, 
are Boston in New England, New York, Philadelphia, Maryland & 
Virginia, and if the Par of Exchange can be got in these Several places, 
it amounts to near the same Sum as if all the Bills were Negotiat in one 
only, for tho their Currencies differ nominally they are to a triffle the 
same in real Value, & there is further this Advantage in Selling Bills 
in different places, it prevents their being a Drug at any one Market. 
In the four Provinces of New England Specie is extreamly Scarce, & 
often not to be had at any Exchange, which makes it more Advan- 
tagious to Negotiat Bills in the Southern Colonies where they have 
generally Plenty of Money. 

Sketch of an Order about the Rank &c a of the 
Provincial Troops in North America : 


WHEREAS some doubts have arisen with regard to the Rank and 
Command, which Officers and Troops raised by the Governors of Our 

1 The same as the sign-manual order of November 12, 1754, printed in New Jersey 
Arch., 1st scr. VIII. pt. 2, p. 29, with changes as indicated below. Precedents for this 
order are in the "Proposed Regulations relating to the East Indies, February, 1 7^4" 
(also in the Cumberland Papers), which read in part: 

"13. In order to avoid all Disputes or Misunderstandings between the Troops in 
His Majestys service, and those in the service of the Company His Majesty is pleased 
to order that the Former shall always take Rank of those of the Company: That, Of- 
ficers of the same Degree shall roll together upon Guards. Parties or Courts Martial: 
but that the Officers in His Majesty's Service shall always take Rank or Precedence of 
those in the Companv's: that, in Garrison, the Governor, if a Military Person, shall 
have the Honours directed by His Majesty's Regulation and the confirming of Sen- 


Provinces in North America, should have when joyned or serving 
together with Our Independent Companies of Foot doing Duty in Our 
said Provinces; In order to fix the same and to prevent for the future 
all Disputes on that Account, We are hereby pleased to declare, 2 It is 
Our Will & Pleasure, that all Troops serving by Commissions signed 
by Us, or by Our General Comanding in Chief in North America, 3 
shall take Rank before all Troops which may serve by Commission 
from any of the Governors or Councils 4 of Our Provinces in North 
America: And It is Our further Pleasure, that the Generals 5 and Field 
Officers of the Provincial Troops shall have no Rank with the Gen- 
erals 5 & Field Officers who serve by Commissions from Us: But that 
all Captains & other inferior Officers of Our Forces, who are or may 
be employed in North America, are on all Detachments, Courts Mar- 
tial or other Duty, wherein they may be joyned with Officers serving 
by Commissions from the Governors or Councils 4 of the said Provinces, 
to command and take Post of the said Provincial Officers of the like 
Rank, though the Commissions of the said Provincial Officers of the 
like Rank, should be of elder Dates. 

We are further pleased to declare, that the Troops which may serve 
by Commissions from the Governors or Councils of the Provinces 
aforesaid, are, whenever they shall be joyned, or serve with Our Regu- 
lar Forces, to be under the same Rules & Articles of War with them, 
and are to be liable to the like Pains 8c Penalties.* 5 

tences of Courts Martial. But if no military officer, the Discipline of the Troops and 
the confirming of Sentences of Courts Martial shall be in the Hands of the Command- 
ing Officer of the Troops. 

"14. That all Courts Martial be held, and Sentences thereof put in Execution, 
agreeable to His Majestys Rules and Articles of War." 

2 Sign-manual order inserts "That." 

3 This clause is inserted in the margin, the document being in a memorandum 

4 Sign-manual order reads: "Governors, Lieutenant or Deputy Governors, or Presi- 
dent for the time being." 

5 Sign-manual order reads: "General." 

e This paragraph was omitted in the sign-manual order, as needing parliamentary 
authority. A clause was inserted in the Mutiny Act, in committee, December 11; the 
act received royal assent December 19. 


Sketch for the Operations in North America. 

Nov" 16: 1754 x 


His Majesty's Intentions in sending the Forces to North America 
being to recover the Territories belonging to His Colonies there & to 
His subjects & allies the Indians, which the French have (most un- 
justly & contrary to Solemn Treaties subsisting between the two Crowns 
of Great Britain & France) invaded, & possessed themselves of, & raised 
Fortifications upon: the most speedy &: most effectual Means should 
be taken to drive them therefrom; to destroy their strong Holds, & to 
secure, for the future, His Majesty's subjects & allies in the just Pos- 
session of their respective Lands & Territories. 

The French will, in all Probability, endeavour to reinforce the 
several Posts they now have on the River Ohio; 8c on the Lakes to the 
Westward of it, by sending Troops up the River Mississipi: as the 
season will allow the King's Troops to take the Field much sooner 
in those southern Parts than in any other Part of the Colonies; the 
operations should begin there as soon as the Weather will permit. 
The Troops should therefore be carried up the Potomach River, as 
high as Will's Creek, where Covering is ordered to be erected for them 
by Deputy Quarter Master general Sir John S l Clair; as also Maga- 
zines & a Park for the amunition & artillery, which may be necessary 
upon this first Part of the Expedition: the Quarter Master general 
having likewise orders to prepare conveniencies for the gen 1 Hospital 
at Hampton, & for a flying one at the Creek before mentioned. 

When the French shall be drove from their Posts upon the Ohio; 
a good Fort should be erected on the most convenient Pass upon that 
River; & a strong Garrison of the three independant companies now 

1 This document is in memorandum form. A copy is in the Newcastle Papers, Add. 
MSS. 33,029, f. 144. This sketch formed the basis for Braddock's secret instructions 
(E. B. O'Callahan, ed., Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of 
New York [hereafter cited as A'. Y. Col. Docs.], VI (1855), 920-922). Cumberland 
discussed them orally with Braddock and added details in a letter from Napier to 
Braddock, November 25, 1754, printed in J. B. Moreau, A Memorial containing a 
summary View of Facts . . . (1757), pp. 114-117. 


in Virginia, sustained by such a Part, or the Whole of the Provincial 
Troops, be left to defend it, & to protect the Indians in those Parts, 
as well as the Brittish Settlements lately broken up. 

The next service & which is of the greatest importance, therefore 
demands the utmost Care & attention, is, the dislodging the French 
from the Forts they now have at the Falls & Passes of Niagara; & the 
erecting such a Fort there as shall, for the future, make His Majesty's 
subjects masters of the Lake Ontario, by that Means cutting off the 
Communication between the French Forces on the Mississipi & those 
on River S l Lawrence: and, if, for this Purpose, the General should 
think it necessary to have ships upon the said Lake Ontario, he should 
have Power & orders for constructing such Vessels as shall be deemed 
most proper for that service. 


By that time that the service on the Ohio is finished, it is hoped that 
the Regiments of Shirley & Pepperel will be raised: if then he should 
find it necessary (as he probably will) to march his whole Force to 
make himself master of the Posts before mentioned at Niagara; he 
should take the most prudent & effectual Means of joyning his said 
Forces with the two Brittish Battalions, to effect this most necessary & 
essential service: and when he has performed it, he will leave the re- 
maining independant companies, & such other Reinforcement of 
Troops as he shall judge to be a sufficient Garrison for the Fort or 
Forts he shall erect there. 


If the General should find that the two British Regiments will be 
sufficient for performing the service at Niagara, the two American 
Regiments may, at the same time be employed in dispossessing the 
French from their Post at Crown Point on the Lake Chamblois, which 
is the next Point to be gained. But, no positive Instructions can be 
given him on this Head, as he only can, hereafter, be judge whether 
such a separate operation can be undertaken at the same time that he 
is to make himself Master of that most material one at Niagara. How- 
ever, after being possessed of the Niagara Forts, and a secure co- 
munication opened betwixt that & Osivego, which will not only secure 
the back Settlements, but likewise bring back those Indians who may 


have fallen off from His Majesty's interest, & joyned the French, the 
next service is 

The reducing the Fort at Crown Point, & erecting an other upon 
the Lake Chamblois, in such Part as shall be found most effectual for 
bridling the French Indians in those Parts, and for securing & pro- 
tecting our Neighbouring Colonies. 


The last & material service to be performed is the destroying the 
French Fort of Beausejour, & by that means recovering His Majesty's 
Province of Nova Scotia. But, on this, no positive instructions can be 
given to the General; only, that he should correspond constantly with 
Lieu 1 Colonel Lawrence who commands H:M:'s Forces in that Prov- 
ince; and, if, whilst the service of Niagara, or Crown Point is going 
on (which must necessarily divide the French Forces) Co 1 Lawrence 
can, with a moral Certainty, undertake the reducing that Fort with 
the King's Forces which are now there; or, by an addition of j: or 
500: of the Provincial Forces, & that the General could spare such 
Numbers; it would be gaining much time in finishing the operations. 
But, if it should be found adviseable for Co 1 Lawrence, to undertake 
that service in the manner before mentioned, but that it should re- 
quire a greater Force: the General should be directed after his having 
finished the Reduction of Crown Point & fixing a proper Fort there, 
to proceed with such, or all of his Forces to Nova Scotia; & there to 
make himself thoroughly master of Beausejour; & by that means, of 
the whole Province. 

The two Companies of Artillery in Newfoundland & Nova Scotia 
will afford a sufficient supply of artillery officers & Gunners for any of 
the services before mentioned: and His Majesty's ships of war should 
have orders to give all the Assistance possible in their way. 

The General should cultivate the best Friendship & Harmony pos- 
sible with the Governours of the Provinces, & the Chiefs of the In- 
dian Tribes; & should transmit, by every opportunity, particular Ac- 


counts of his Transactions and situation, to His Majesty's Secretary 
of State. 

Quaere, Prisoners. 

Quaere, next Winter Quarters. 

Instructions from the Lords of the Admiralty to 

Admiral Keppel 1 


By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord High Ad- 
miral of Great Britain and Ireland &c 

Instructions for the Hon ble Augustus Keppel, Comamnder in Chief 
of His Majesty's Ships and Vessels employed and to be employed on 
the Coast of North America. 

WHEREAS His Majesty hath been pleased to direct, That two of 
His Ships of the Line, and Two Frigats, should be got ready to be 
employed in North America for the Protection of His Colonies, and 
that a sufficient Number of Transport Ships should be provided and 
Victualled, for carrying from Cork in Ireland to Virginia in North 
America Sir Peter Halket's & Colonel Dunbar's Regiments of Foot, 
each consisting of 644 Persons, together with 74 Commission Officers 
their Servants and Baggage; and 354 Tuns of Arms, Accoutrements 
&c a for Col Shirley's and Sir William Pepperel's Regiments to be 
raised in New England; likewise for the Director of an Hospital, with 
a Number of Officers, Servants & Stores amounting in the whole to 
about 100 Tuns; also, for taking on board one thousand Barrels of 
Beef, and Ten Tuns of Butter, for the Use of the said Forces; to pro- 
ceed under Convoy of the Two aforementioned Frigats; And Thirteen 
Transport Ships being provided for this purpose (as in the List here- 
unto annexed, wherein is the Disposition of Officers, Soldiers, and 
Stores for each) 2 and Victualled for the Numbers of Persons they are 
to carry, with Four Months Proportion of Beef and Pork, and Three 
Months of all other Species, at Whole Allowance, altho' the Persons 
on board are to be Victualled at Two Thirds, as usual; the said 

1 This document is in memorandum form, half the page having been left blank 
for corrections and additions. 

2 On these thirteen transports, with a total tonnage of 3,525, was space for 150 offi- 
cers, 1,620 men, and 354 tons of baggage. This is the usual mathematical proportion 
of two tons a man, which to prevent crowding and sickness was seldom followed 
on trans-Atlantic voyages. 


Thirteen Ships, with Three others laden with Ordnance Stores in the 
Service of that Office, are ordered to proceed directly from Cork to 
Virginia, under Convoy of His Majesty's Ships the Seahorse and Night- 
ingale, commanded by Captains Pallisser and Digges. 

And whereas we did, on the 9 th of last Month, appoint you Com- 
mander in Chief of His Majestys Ships and Vessels employed and to 
be employed on the Coast of North America, empowering you to hoist 
a broad Pendant on board such of them wherein you may be, and to 
have a Captain under you; And we having ordered His Majesty's 
Ship the Centurion, now in her Passage to Spithead, to be fitted for 
your Reception, You are hereby required and directed to repair on 
board and take her under your Command, as also the Norwich (which 
Ship We have appointed to receive Major General Braddock, with 
his Attendants, Servants, and Baggage,) and proceed with them to 
Virginia; but if the General should be embarked, & the Centurion not 
arrived, You are to permit the Captain of the Norwich to proceed 
agreeable to the Orders he hath received from Us, and to follow in 
the Centurion without calling at any Place whatever in your Passage.' 
When you arrive at Virginia, in the Centurion, you will probably 
find there the Three other aforementioned Men of 
Syren. War, with the Transports; and also the Ships named 

Pomnahon. in tne Margin, which are Stationed in North America; 

Mermaid. and ordered to rendezvous at Virginia; All which 

BakYmore.J sloo P s - you are to take under your Command, if you find 
them at that place, or as they shall arrive there. 
And His Majesty having appointed Major General Braddock to be" 
Commander of His Forces that are or shall be raised in North America, 
We do hereby require & direct you to cultivate a good Understanding 
& Correspondence with the said General, during your Continuance 
upon the Service with which you are now entrusted, the said General 
having received Directions of a like Nature, with regard to his Con' 
duct & Correspondence with you. 

Whenever the General, or Commander in Chief of the Forces shall 
find it necessary to call to his Assistance a Council of War, by the' 
Advice of whom all Operations to be performed by the said Forces 
under his Command are to be determined, as well as all other im- 
portant Points relating thereto, you are to assist thereat, if the same 
be held at a convenient Distance. 

If on your arrival at Virginia, you find the Transports with the 
Forces there, and not disembarked; or, when they arrive within the 
Capes of Virginia, You are to Consult with the General, and the Gov- 


ernor, where it may be most convenient they should debark, and if it 
shall be judged necessary to send them up any of the Rivers in that 
Province, you are to direct the Transports, with such of His Majesty's 
Ships as may be fit for that purpose, to proceed accordingly as far up 
as the Pilots will take Charge of them, and to give all necessary Assist- 
ance from the Ships in landing the Forces, Artillery, Stores &c a , and in 
Case a proper Quantity of Provisions shall not be provided in the 
Country for the Subsistance of the Forces, You are to cause the Gen- 
eral to be supplyed (if he desires it) with the Thousand Barrels of 
Beef and Ten Tuns of Butter beforementioned, and as much more of 
those Species of Provisions, or any other, as may be remaining on board 
the Transports after the Forces are landed, taking Care that proper 
Receipts be given for what shall be supplied. 

And whereas there are now dispersed on board the Transports 74 
Commission Officers, with their Servants, and also 354 Tuns of Arms, 
Accoutrements &c a belonging to Colonel Shirley's and Sir Will" 1 Pep- 
perel's Regim ts to be raised in New England, You are to cause them 
forthwith to be put together on board such of those Ships as shall be 
found most convenient, with a proper Quantity of Provisions, and 
order them to proceed to Boston in New England, under the Convoy 
of one of His Majesty's Ships, or a Sloop, the first Opportunity that 
offers; and having landed the Officers, Arms &c a , the Masters of the 
Transports are forthwith to return the Remains of the Kings Pro- 
visions, Cask &c a which the Commander of the Convoy, after taking 
so much on board the Ship under his Command as she can con- 
veniently stow, is to get secured in a proper Place till there may be 
an Opportunity of bringing the same to you in one of His Majesty's 
Ships, and the said Commander is also to give the Masters of the 
Transports Receipts for what they so return, together with Certificates 
of their being discharged the Service; which done, he is to permit them 
to, proceed where-ever they please, and then he is to return to you with 
the Ship or Sloop under your Command. But if you find, there is 
more probability of a Passage being gained to Boston by Ships of 
War, than by the Transports, You are to appoint One, or more, of 
the Ships of your Squadron, if the same can be spared, to carry the 
said Officers, Servants, Arms, and Accoutrements &c thither. 

You are to Order Lieu 1 William Shackerly, who is appointed to Act 
as Agent for the Transports, to clear them, immediately after the 
Debarkment of the Forces, of their Provisions & Stores, to prevent the 
Charge of Demurrage, which commences within Twenty Days after 
their arrival within the Capes of Virginia, and to distribute amongst 


the Ships under your Command such Part of the Provisions as they 
may want, and to provide Store-room for the Remainder, with the 
Stores, either at Hampton, or whatever place you shall find most con- 
venient, and immediately to discharge the Transports, unless, upon 
advising with the General, and Governor, it shall be found expedient 
to keep part of them in the Service, which in that Case you are at 
liberty to do, but to have regard to the Contracts made with the Navy 
Board for those Ships, in some of which it is expressly stipulated they 
shall be discharged upon their Arrival at Virginia. 

You are to employ His Majesty's Ships under your Command in 
such manner as shall be most conducive to the Protection of His 
Colonies in North America, and to that end you are at liberty, when 
it shall be judged for the Good of the King's Service, to land any 
Number of Men that can be conveniently spared from the Ships, with 
discreet Officers, to co-operate with the Land Forces, or act in such 
manner as may be agreed on at a Council of War, where you have 
been present and concurred. 

Whereas we have thought it necessary, that Two Lieutenants of 
His Majesty's Fleet should serve under You, in addition to the proper 
Number of Lieutenants belonging to each Ship, to be employed in 
attending the Land Forces in their Marches, in order to assist in mak- 
ing Floats for their passing the Rivers, Drafts of the Country through 
which they pass, and on such other Services as you shall find neces- 
sary; And We having appointed Lieutenants William Shackerly and 
Charles Spendelow to perform these Services, You are to employ them 
accordingly, keeping one of them constantly with the Forces, par- 
ticularly Lieu 1 Spendelow, he being furnished with Instruments for 
taking Observations, and making Drafts; and you are to direct him 
to be very particular therein, and to transmit the same to Us, from 
time to time, through your Hands. 

And it having been represented to us that two or three small Armed 
Vessels to be employed upon the Lake Ontario would Countenance the 
Trade of His Majesty's Subjects in these Parts, and be a Security to 
our Rights and Possessions, You are to consult with the General and 
Governors of His Majesty's Provinces thereupon, and if it shall appear 
to You and them to be of the Service represented, You are to cause 
proper Vessels to be built and fitted upon the Boarders of the Lake 
in the most frugal manner, We having directed the Navy Board to 
put a sufficient Quantity of Iron Work, Cordage & Canvas on board 
the Centurion for One of them (a particular Account whereof is an- 
nexed) and also to give you the Draught of an Armed Vessel of about 


Sixty Tuns, which you will make Use of, or otherwise as upon further 
Enquiry in the Country You may find most proper, and you are to 
draw Bills upon the Navy Board for the Expence, and when these 
Vessels are properly fitted, You are to put on board them Ten Swivel 
Guns from the Ships & Sloops under your Command with a propor- 
tion of Ordnance Stores, and small Arms, causing them to be Mann'd 
with 25 or 30 Men, and to appoint Lieu 4 Spendelow to take the 
Command of One, who is not only to be Employed for the Purposes 
beforementioned, but to make an Accurate Survey of the Lake and 
adjacent Country, and to continue on this Service till further Order. 

In case Major General Braddock shall apply for the Assistance of 
the Kings Ships to bring two Companies of Artillery or part of them 
from S l Johns in Newfoundland or Nova Scotia, You are to Order 
such of the Ships under your Command to perform this Service, as 
you shall judge proper. 

It having been represented to His Majesty, that an Illegal Corre- 
spondence and Trade is frequently carried on, between the French and 
the King's Subjects in the several Colonies, You are to take all pos- 
sible Measures to prevent the Continuance of such dangerous Prac- 
tices, and more particularly to hinder the French being supplied, on 
any Account whatever, with Provisions, or Naval or Warlike Stores. 

In Case the Whole, or any Part, of the aforementioned 1000 Barrels 
of Beef, Ten Tuns of Butter, and Remains of Provisions in the 
Transports at the Debarkment of the Forces, shall not be desired by 
the General, for the Use of the said Forces, you are to cause the same 
to be distributed and expended on board His Majesty's Ships under 
your Command. 

You are to remain on this Service till you receive further Orders; 
but you are not to keep with you, longer than you shall find necessary, 
the Ships and Sloops stationed at the several Colonies, but to send 
them back to their Stations so soon as the Service will admit; and, 
in the mean time, to let them visit the Colonies they are Stationed at, 
as frequently as you can spare them long enough to do so, and you are 
not to take the Nova Scotia Ship and Sloop away from that Station, 
without an absolute Necessity for your so doing. 

When you shall return to England, You are to take Care, that the 
Ships which shall be ordered home with you, have not more than 
Three Months Provisions on board for their Passage; nor are any of 
the Ships under your Command to have their Provisions at any time 
compleated to more than a Three Months Proportion, unless you shall 
find any particular Service you may employ them upon shall render 


more necessary; and You are to take Care, that timely Demands be 
made upon the Contractors, or their Agents, for what may be wanted. 

For the better maintaining a proper and good Government and 
strict Discipline in the Squadron under your Command, We do hereby 
Authorize You to call and assemble Courts Martial in Foreign Parts, 
as often as there shall be Occasion. 

And whereas Vacancies of Officers may happen in the said Squad- 
ron, We do empower You to fill up such as shall be occasioned by 
Death, or Dismission by a Court Martial; which are the only Cases in 
which we shall confirm Officers appointed by Commanders in Chief 

Private Instructions for Major-Gen. Braddock 


George, R. Private Instructions for our trusty & well-beloved 
Edward Braddock, Esq 1 " Major General of our Forces, & whom 
we have appointed General & Commander of all and singular our 
Troops & Forces that are now in North America, & that shall be 
sent or raised there to vindicate our just Rights and Possessions 
in those Parts. Given at our Court at S* James's the 25 th Day of 
Nov r 1754: in the 28 th Year of our Reign. 

Whereas You are acquainted by the 6 th & 7 th Articles of our 
General Instructions x with the Dispositions that we have ordered 
to be made in our Colonies, for establishing a common Fund, to 
be employed provisionally for our Service in North America & 
particularly for the Charge of Levying Troops; You will be very 
diligent in informing yourself, upon your arrival what has been, 
or what is likely to be done for that Purpose; and, in case, you 
should find that the several Colonies do not contribute a suffi- 
cient sum to the said common Fund, to enable you to defray the 
Charge of raising the Troops intended, you will then, & in that 
Case, cause such an addition to be made thereto, out of the money 
deposited in the Hands of our Pay-Master in North America, as 
shall be sufficient to pay each private man, so raised, by way of 
Levy-money, a sum not exceeding £5: sterling p man. However, 
that our service may not be disappointed, or the intended Troops 
not be raised for want of the full Levy-money that may be re- 

1 Printed in Pennsylvania Archives, 1748-1763, p. 203, and in Winthrop Sargent. 
The History of the Expedition against Fort Duquesne in 1755 under Major-General 
Braddock, Appendix I, p. 393. 


quisite, in case, the said £3: sterling p man shall not prove suf- 
ficient, we are hereby pleased to authorise & empower You, upon 
such Emergency only, to exceed the said sum of £3: sterling p 
man, as far as you shall find the same to be absolutely necessary 
& unavoidable. 


John Winslow l to Charles Gould 2 


Boston, New England. 
Dec r 30th 1754. 
Good Sir, 

My last to you was from the Camp at Bangs Island Casco Bay the 
latter end of June past if I remember right (My papers being all in 
the Country) wherein I inform'd you I was at the head of Eight hun- 
dred of my Country Men bound up the river of Kennebeck, shall for 
your Amusement without Ceremony give you a Short Narration of our 
proceedings hope you will excuse all Slips & Mistakes in Stile as you 
know I am no Scholar. To Begin— 

We Decampt from Bangs Island July 4th and Embarqued on Board 
our several Vessells in the Morning, and in the Evening Anchored in 
the Mouth of the river Kennebeck Distance about Ten Leagues on 
the 5th & 6th our whole Force got up as far as Richmond Fort a Num- 
ber of Indians also Arriving at the same time, I ordered them to In- 
camp on the Opposite side of the river from the Fort, this is a Wood 
Fortification Built with hewen Timber, Mounts Ten Guns, and is 
used as a place of Trade with the Indians carryed on by this Govern- 
ment, and is Twenty five Miles tip the river from its Entrance into the 
Sea, and stands on the West side. On the 7th orderd our Men under 
the Cover of our Guns to Incamp on shore & refresh themselves, and 
that Lieu 1 Coll Preble with one hundred & Fifty Men reconnite the 
Country, and to assist the Carpenters to bring up Timber &c., which 
the Government before hand had procured in order for Building a 

1 John Winslow, a native of Plymouth, Massachusetts, had served as a captain of 
Massachusetts troops on the Cartagena expedition, had transferred into Phillips's 
regiment at Halifax, thence into Shirley's regiment formed in 1746. On British half 
pay in 1754, Shirley appointed him to the Kennehec River command. 

2 Charles Gould was a son of King Gould, agent for Nova Scotia until 1749 and 
army agent for the 40th regiment until about 1753, who died at Little Ealing in 1756. 
Charles Gould's answer of March 4, 1755, is printed in Winslow's journal in Nova 
Scotia Hist. Soc. Coll., IV (1884), 170. 


Fort. On the 8th reimbarq'd, Sc came to sail, pass'd by Frank Fort, 
which is two Blockhouses well Picquetted in standing on the East side 
of the river, which was Built and is Maintain'd at the Cost of the Pro- 
prietors called the Plymouth Company, who have also near it divers 
Settlements on the same side of the river and is Distance from Fort 
richmond a Mile & Quarter and is the Uttermost English Settlement on 
the river Kennebeck, and that Evening arriv'd at a place call'd Cobesa- 
conte Ten Miles above richmond on the Eighth proceeded up the 
river having a Captins Command Marching on each side thereof to 
prevent a Surprize from the Indians, and as this has been a Navigation 
disused by the English for Eighty years past, I proceeded with our 
Whale Boats & Masters of Vessells in their Boats to sound the river as 
we went, and for four Miles above Cobesaconte found a fine Twining 
Channel, at the end of which we were strangely Embarras'd with Rocks 
& Shoals at the Entrance whereof we Anchored, gth 10th nth Spent 
in Sounding the river, examining the Country to find a proper place 
to erect a Fort, and as the Tide & Weather would admit kept moving 
up the river with our Vessells on the 12th at a Council of War deter- 
mind to Build our first Fort at a place called Cushenoc Near the Spot 
where one hundred years ago the late Plymouth Colony had a Garri- 
son, and is Seventeen Miles above Richmond, and on the East side 
of the river, & is at the end of Navigation for Vessells of Burthen, as 
the Falls begin within a Mile of it, and even to this is Common Tides 
we carry but about eight foot of Water, and here we Incampt raisd our 
Blockhouse, Houses & Pallasaded them in, and put ourselves in a 
posture of Defence, cleard the Land all round to the Distance of two 
Musquett Shott, which employd all our Men except a party we sent to 
reconniter the River as far as the great Falls of Teconnett which is 
Eighteen Miles Distant from Cushnoe R: took us till the 21th Day when 
we set forward with two Gundeloes, (Boats built some what like your 
West Country Barges, but draw less Water) with our heavy Stores and 
train of Artillery, Consisting of Eight Cannon, two Mortars, and some 
Swifells, ten Whale Boats, Twenty Battoes of our own Building, & 
some Canoes. And altho the party sent up the river returnd and gave 
us an Account that it was Impracticable to proceed with the Gunda- 
loes, yet I was determined to attempt it, being sensible, that if those 
Boats could not be got up we must leave our Train of Artillery; being 
thus equipt for Sailing or rather Rowing &: Towing we set forward with 
about Six hundred Men by Land & Water determind at events to gain 
our point and well it was we were so for it took us five days to March 
Row & Tow eighteen Miles, and was five days of the hardest Duty that 


ever I saw any Troops employ 'd on, we were Continually in the Water 
from Morning till Night getting our Boats over Rocks, Sand & Falls 
many places of which there was scarse half the "Water they drew, and 
as these were Difficulties that the Men thought unsurmountable, the 
Officers were Obligd to exert themselves, and I assure you that I on 
this Occasion was not Lacking, and dont Remember any of these Days, 
but that I was some hours of each in the "Water and once in a while 
put to Swimming, but however at the last on the 25th Arrivd safe 
without the Loss of a Man, within Cannon Shott of the Falls of Te- 
connett where on a Point made by the river Sebastacook emptying 
itself into the River Kennebeck we Incampt, and on the 26th got up 
our Cannon, & Fortified our Campt Landed our Stores &c, and also in 
a Council of War determind where to set our Fort, and on the next 
Day laid out the Ground began to clear it, seated our Guns & Mortars, 
Hoisted the Kings Colours with the Beat of Drum, and sound of 
Trumpet, and the Discharge of our whole Artillery, and small Arms 
Drank his Majesty, and calld this place Fort Hallifax, as we before 
that below had calld Fort Western, (and this by his Excellency Gov 
Shirley's Direction) by which names I shall hereafter call them, in this 
place we continued Imploying our people, as well Soldiers as Artificers 
& Labourers in Cutting Timber and Picquets, and erecting them, saw- 
ing Boards & Plank, Building Store Houses, getting Clapboards & 
Shingles, procuring Stones out of the river, making Bricks, Burning 
Coals &c. and by the Seventh of August got in a good posture of De- 
fence, and on that Day at a Council of War determind to proceed as 
high up the river as the Indian Carrying place, and from that to half 
the Distance to the river of Shodier which falls into the river of St. 
Lawrence near Quebeck and thro which the Indians go to Cannada, 
and to examine that pass, and on the next day began to put that 
projection in execution, setting out with five hundred Men for that 
purpose Leav K Two hundred Men at Fort Halifax & one hundred at 
Fort Western besides Labourers, having with us fifteen Battoes for 
Transporting Provissions which Boats &: all we were Obligd to carry 
over Land half a Mile on Mens shoulders round the Falls of Teconnett 
and found great Difficulty afterwards in getting up the river, the Water 
being low at that Season and at that time a great Drouth which ren- 
derd them more so, however we kept on having a Surveyor & Chain 
Men aserting the Distance of our March as well as the Course of the 
river by Compass & Measure till the Ninth (Unhappy Day to me) when 
after Marching very hard & being extream Hot, I came across a fine 
Spring of Water, Drank plentifully, and Marching with the Advancd 


party, and fatigued throw'd myself under a Tree to sleep till the rear 
came up, but was presently awak'd in an od Condition a Universal 
stagnation, Crampt and Convulst to the last Degree, My Surgeon be- 
ing with me took from me Two pound of Blood, gave me Volatives 
by the help of which after laying about three hours I March on two 
Miles; which Brought us nine Miles Distance from Fort Hallifax 
where we Campt under the Bows of Trees, and provd a Raincy Night, 
the next Morning found my Self so Weak and faint, and my Nerves & 
Mussells so disordered as to render me unfit for Marching Duty, there- 
fore on the tenth in the Morning sent for Coll Prebble gave him the 
Command & orders to Compleat the Match I had begun, Kept with 
me an Officer & fifteen Men & two Boats to return to the Garrison. 
This March Coll Preble performd agreeable to the plan herewith 
sent and returnd to Fort Hallifax in fifteen Days having lost one Man 
only and of him they could give no Account, at the end of which the 
pond Mark'd we supose & are pretty certain by the Degrees of Lattitude 
to be within Fourteen Leaques of Quebeck the Capital of Cannada. 3 
but to return to my Self got to Fort Hallifax in the Evening of the 
tenth; lay by the next day, found the Regiment 801 Effective, besides 
Artificers & Labourers. On the 12th set out for Casco, arriv'd at Fort 
Western, 13th View'd the Fort, gave the proper orders, continued my 
Route for Casco to wait on his Excellency the Governour arrivd on 
the 14th at Night continued there with his Excellency to settle a plan 
for our future Opperations till 20th, receivd directions relaiting to the 
Fortifications yet to be erected, set out for Fort Hallifax, arrivd there 
the 21th at Night Distance from Casco to Fort Hallifax 76 Miles. On 
the 22nd gave orders for Building the Fortifications, and Barracks, 
agreeable to the Plan. Kept all hands at Work, and Continued in it, 
till the 20th Septem r when we were Obliged by our Terms of Enlist- 
ment to Disband. On the 21st Embarqued for Boston and arrivd here 
the 30th. Thus I have Led you a Wild Goose Chase in a Wild 'Wilder- 
ness, & like the Moose & Bears the Native Inhabitants, and the more 
savage Aboriginals the Indians, Made Mother Earth our Bed, and the 
Canopy of Heaven our Covering, yet thro Gods goodness lost but three 

3 It was sixty-four miles from the place Preble left Winslow (near Hinckley) to the 
beginning of the carry above Carritunk. From there to Dead River was twelve miles, 
from Dead River to the Chain Ponds at the foot of the Height of Land about fifty- 
six miles, twenty-one miles across the Height of Land to Lake Mcgantic. and 137 
miles more to Quebec. If Preble went at the same rate as Winslow had done the first 
day, nine to ten miles a day, and returned within fifteen days, he could not have got 
much further than the carry itself. The pond he reached was probably one of the 
three Carry Ponds. The best description of this route is in Kenneth Roberts, Arundel 
(rev. ed.). 


Men only and not one of them fairly. By this I judge you are Tyred, 
and shall therefore Drop the Doctrimental part, and proceed to the 
Application. Vizt— That by Gov r Shirleys Unwearied Endeavours to 
serve this province, as well as the King of Great Britain whome he 
honours by being faithfull to his Trust and the Dilligence of me his 
Substitute a nearer way is found to Quebeck than has ever heretofore 
been thought of, and I am in no Doubt, but that all these things have 
been properly Laid before the people at Home [?] by the Governour yet 
notwithstanding, whenever you think proper you may Shew these 
things, and depend on it they are Facts. And should His Majesty want 
any Service done on this side the Water it may be rely'd on, I am both 
able & Willing to Obey & persuade my self can bring more effective 
Men into the Feild than any Man on the Continent, (my Gov 1- ex- 
cepted) have Briefly Mentiond these Things to your Hon d Father, and 
also told him you would shew him this Epistle, and am persuaded that 
your joint Friendship, could carry any thing into Execution with the 
little pretentions I have and every thing will be acknowledg'd that is 
done for me, shall hear further from me soon, Service to all Freinds, 
and be assured I am— 

Your Sincere Friend & humble Servant 

John Winslow 

Sir John St. Clair 1 to Robert Napier 


Williamsbourg Feb ry the 10th 1755. 

I know no better way of giving you an account of my proceedings in 
this Country than to transcribe two Letters which I wrote to General 
Braddock, the one of the 15th of Jan ry and the other of the 9th of 
Feb ry ; which I hope will be satisfactory. 

Sir, Williamsbourg Jan y the 15th 1755. 

"I was very sorry that I had it not in my power to receive your Com- 
mands before I embarked for America, least you may find any thing 
neglected on your Arrival. I landed at Hampton the 9th Ins 1 and 

1 Sir John's title was probably spurious (George E. Cockayne, cd., Complete Baron- 
etage (1904), IV, 301). He was the son of Sir George St. Clair or Sinclair of Rinnaird, 
life. He served as deputy quartermaster general in North America from 1754 until his 
death in 1767, an efficient officer in that important post. He married an American girl, 
Betsy Moland. His will is in New Jersey Arch.. 1st ser. XXXIII, 370. A sketch of him by 
C. R. Hildeburn is in Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, IX (1885), 1-14. 


have ever since been endeavouring to comply with my orders: I shall 
here send you the Heads of them, and shall inform you what Steps I 
have taken in the Execution of them. 

1st. To provide an Hospital at Hampton or Williamsbourg for 150 

2 (lly . To provide provisions against the landing of the Troops and 
during their stay at Wills's Creek. 

3. Bass Horses to be provided for the Odicers when they arrive. 

4. To consult with the Governour the proper Measures for erecting 
Log Houses or Barns at Wills's Creek. 

5. Floats or Batteaus for the transporting the Artillery and Bagagc 
from the falls of the Pattomack to Wills's Creek. 

6. To settle with the Governour the best and speediest manner to 
compleat the two Battalions with 200 good Men each. The 10th I 
went to Williamsbourg and delivered my Dispatches to the Gov 1 ". The 
next day I consulted with His Excellency the properest Methods for 
going to work on this urgent piece of Service. That Day one hundred 
Horses were contracted for, 40 of which were to be deliver'd the 1st 
week in Fcb ,y and the remaining part the first day of March; each of 
these Horses are to carry 200 lb of Flower to Wills's Creek. 

"The 12th I went with the Governour to Hampton in order to 
provide an Hospital & lodging for its proper Officers. Next day I went 
and examined the whole Town of Hampton but cou'd not find any 
one place Sufficient to contain any Number of Sick; all I cou'd get 
was two very small Ware Houses; But there are no Houses in Town 
which will be shut to us on this occasion: So how disagreeable it may 
be to the Surgeons to have their Sick separate, there is a necessity for 
it at present. There are Numbers of indigent people who will take the 
Sick into their Houses, and least Bedsteads may be wanting I have 
given Directions for 100 Cradles to be built. I have provided extreme 
good Lodgings at the Town Clerks House for two of the principal 
Officers of the Hospital, the others may lodge with those people who 
keep publick Houses untill Mr. Graham leaves his dwelling house 
which will be towards the End of Feb r y. I shou'd not have hesitated 
one Moment in running up a large Hospital of Boards if I cou'd have 
got a Sufficient Quantity of Deal and Artificers, but both are wanting. 

"I gave Directions to Mr. Hunter (who delivers you this) concern- 
ing a Stock of fire wood for the Hospitals, and to get as much fresh 
Provisions collected together for the Sick as possible; as likewise to 
throw on board of the Transports some Sheep and fresh Pork, and 
some Beefs if they are to be had. 


"The Governour has been extremely active and diligent in gather- 
ing together all kind of Provisions for Wills's Creek, & to make a de- 
posite at Fredericksbourg & Winchester to be near at hand. The Car- 
riage to the Creek is immensely difficult at this Season on account of 
the Scarcity of Horses, and if we had them, Forage is scarce to [be] had. 
I am in Hopes we shall be able to collect 200 Horses. If we had more, 
how are they to be fed? I return'd to Williamsbourg the 13th in the 

"Jan: 14th I saw some more Horses bought for the use of the Troops. 
I wrote Letters to the Governours of all the Provinces & sent my Dis- 
patches to them. 

"I must, Sir, refer you to the Governour with regard to compleating 
Sir Peter Halketts & Col: Dunbar's Regiments, all I shall say [is] that 
Men will not be wanting when you please to call for them. 

"That part of my Instructions which regards the building of Bat- 
teaus or Floats on the Pattommack at the Falls of Alexandria, I am 
obliged to delay executing, as I am informed the doing of it wou'd 
be in vain, for that in Winter the Stream is so rapide that there is no 
rowing heavy Boats against the Current, and that in Summer there 
are many flatts and Shoals which will render the Navigation almost 
impracticable. On the whole I have acted to the best of my Capacity, 
and whatever Difficultys may arrise I shall do what I can to surmount 

"I propose going to morrow morning from hence to Wills's Creek, 
I shall go the one Road and return the other; my Journey will take 
me at least twelve Days going and coming back, being 600 Miles with 
the same Horses; I shall stay there about Six Days which I hope will 
be Sufficient to see our Barracks in a fair way of being built. Shou'd 
you arrive with the Troops before my return I beg of you to send me 
your Orders by an Express that I may know how to conduct my Self. 

"I have been talking to the Governour concerning the properest 
Method of landing the Troops; He is of opinion they shou'd proceed 
to Alexandria in their Transports, and march as soon as possible to 
Wills's Creek; For if they were to land at Hampton & be dispersed 
about the Country, they wou'd have a long march by land, that all the 
Horses & Carriages which will be wanted to carry Provisions to the 
Depositcs, wou'd be wanted, to attend the Troops, on their march to 
Alexandria; and that if they were to march by land, they have Ferrys 
to cross, which might be attended with a long delay. After examining 
the situation of the Country, and the quick Dispatch that Affairs re- 


quire, I am of the above opinion with the Governour, for we shall at 
least gain three Weeks by going up directly by Water. 

"I am in hopes we shall not want Mower and Salt Pork, which is 
what is easiest to be had in this Country. The Governour has wrote to 
New England for a Cargoe of Salt Fish, and if you are of opinion that 
Rice will do for our Men, it may be easily had. We may get some 
Calavances of the Pea kind which I believe our People will be fond 
of. That you may be the better Judge of the Difficulty of carriage from 
Alexandria to Wills's Creek, the Gov 1 " pays 20 Shillings for the carriage 
of each Barrell of Beef, for the 900 [?] Men that have been building a 
Fort at that place & who continue at Work. 

"I think if no unforseen accident happens to me that 1 shall return 
hither the 2 (i Day of Feb ry or sooner if I can do my business, f have 
the Honour of being with the greatest Respect Sir, Your most obedient 
and most humble Servant. 

John St. Ci.air 
"pS. If a large quantity of Iron is not brought out with the Artillery, 
it will be necessary that a Dozen of Quintal shoud be bought at Hamp- 
ton to make portable Ovens. 

"To Major General Braddock." 

"Sir Williamsbourg Feb 1 " 5 ' the 9th 1755. 

"I did my self the Honour of writing a Letter to you of the 15th of 
January, giving you an account of my proceedings till that time, least 
you shou'd have arrived during my absence. I shall now let you know 
in what manner I have been employ'd since the Date of my last Letter, 
least my Duty shou'd call me from this place or from Hampton, which 
might deprive me of the pleasure of receiving your Commands untill 
my Return. 

"The 16th of Jan: I set out for Fredericksbourg, and got to that 
place the 18th being 104 Miles of very good Road. I saw at that place 
190 Men of the Companys raised in this Province. I was from the 19th 
to the 22 d in getting to Winchester which is 93 Miles of very bad Road, 
I saw a Detatchment of 70 Men of the same Troops. From the 23 d to 
the 26th I was on the Road to Wills's Creek, this is 85 Miles of the 
worst Road I ever travelled; and greatly lengthen'd by the Roads being 
in the Channells of the Rivers, when they might be shorten'd by cut- 
ting them along the Ridges of the Mountains: Which Lord Fairfax 
promised me shou'd be done about this time. This will shorten that 


Road about 15 Miles, and avoid the bad Road by Patersons Creek. 

"When I had got about two Miles on the other Side of the South 
branch, I had a full view of the Mountains on each side of the Patto- 
mack above Wills's Creek, and from what I cou'd see, there is a Road 
easily to be made across the Country to the Mouth of Savage River 
which will be gaining 30 Miles: If I am not more deceived than I have 
been of late with regard to Ground, the Mouth of Savage River is the 
place where we ought to cross the Allegany Mountains. I have only 
been able to find one Woodsman who can give me any distinct Account 
of that Ground, which gives me great Satisfaction. I have wrote to 
Lord Fairfax to have the Road marked out to the mouth of Savage 

"I cannot learn what cou'd induce People ever to think of making 
a fort or a Deposite for Provisions at Wills's Creek; It covers no Coun- 
try, nor has it the Communication open behind it either by Land or 
W 7 ater; the River not navigable and by the least Rains that fall, the 
Rivers which one has to cross (some of them five times) were without 
Floats or Canoes, untill within these few Days that they have been set 
about to be built. 

"I found the Governour of Maryland at Wills's Creek, who had been 
at that place but a few Days, not long enough to make any Consider- 
able alteration nor to reconoitre the Country. He had with him at the 
Fort (or more properly a small piece of Ground inclosed with a Strong 
Palisade joined pretty close) three Independent Companys, the one of 
South Carolina, and the other two of New York: the latter seem to 
be draughted out of Chelsea. The Excuse they make for having so 
many old Men does very little Honour to those Companys that are left 
behind at New York; for they say that they are draughted from them. 
The Carolina Company is in much better order and Discipline. I like- 
wise saw at Wills's Creek 80 Men of the Troops raised in Maryland, 
they are a good body of Men, and if the rest of the Troops raised in 
that province be as good (which the Gov r has reason to expect) we may 
get 150 Men from that Province to enable us to complete the two 
British Regiments. 

"Least it shou'd be still more adviseable to pass the Mountains at 
Wills's Creek, there are a Number of Trees cut down for erecting Log- 
houses, and I gave directions for Palisading a House near the Fort for 
a Powder Magazine. 

"In my last letter to you, I acquainted you that Governor Dinwiddie 
told me that the Navigation of the Pattommack is impracticable, this 
I can now affirm from Experience, for Governour Sharp and I found 


it so for all other Vessells but Canoes cut out of a Single Tree; We 
attempted to go clown the River in this Sort of Boat, but we were 
obliged to get on Shore and walk on loot especially at the Shannondeau 
Falls: So that the getting Batteaus or Floats made lor the transport of 
the Artillery and the Bagage of the Regiments, cou'd serve for no other 
thing, but to throw away the Governments Money to no purpose, and 
loose a great deal of time. 

"As Governour Sharp expected to have found you arrived, he came 
to this place by Alexandria and Fredericksbourg, at the latter I saw 
him review 80 Men of the Virginia Troops, which amount by this time 
to 700 or 800 Men: By what I saw of them, I am afraid the Officers who 
recruited them, have looked more to their Numbers than to the good- 
ness of the Men. These 80 were the only ones which Gov r Sharp has 
seen. I make no doubt, but that from the Report I made to Gov 1 Din- 
widdie of his new Leavies, that their Numbers will be diminished be- 
fore you arrive. 

"As the Nature of the Service we are going on, will require a great 
Number of Carpenters, a Company totally composed of these is now 
a forming of 100 Men, from whom we may expect great advantage. I 
wish we may be able to find people to form into two Companys of 

"Whatever Scheme, Sir, you may think proper out of your prudence 
to pursue; the first thing to be clone at all Events is to have our Ar- 
tillery, Bagage and Provisions carried up to Winchester from Alexan- 
dria; for which reason I have ordered all kinds of provender for Horses 
to be laid in at these two places, in as great quantity as the Country 
can afford, which is but small. I expect 100 Waggons with Flower from 
Pensilvania at Winchester by the 15th of March, which Waggons will 
serve for carrying the Amunition and Stores from Alexandria, least 
the Horses of this Country employ'd before that time shou'd fall off. 
On this depends the dispatch we shall be able to make, I hope to get 
as much Oats, Hay and Indian Corn Blades as will enable us to trans- 
port the whole to Winchester: But I am afraid we shall not be able to 
cross the Mountains till the latter End of April when the Grass begins 
to shoot. 

"During the Transport of the Artillery to Winchester, there will be 
sufficient time to cut the Road to Savage River, and to reconoitre the 
Ground towards the head of the Youghangany, one branch of which 
seems to lock in with the former. 

"As I have seen most of this Country, I shall more freely give my 
oppinion with regard to the Disposition of the Troops on their Arrival, 


both for the Security of our Magazines, Subsistance of the Troops, ease 
of the Inhabitants and that as few Countermarches may be made as 

"That the Transports which have on board one Regiment may stop 
in the River Pattommack as near Fredericksbourg as they can, that 
Regiment may be quartered in the following manner. 
314 Companys at Winchester 6 Days march from Fredericksbourg 

14 of a Company at Conogogee 8 Days by Winchester 
6 Companys at Fredericksbourg & Falmouth, one march from their 

"The other Regiment 
5 Companys at Alexandria with the Company of Artillery & Stores of 

all kind. 
1 Company at Dumfries 2 Days march from Alexandria. 
1 Comp y at Upper Marlbro' 1 Days march -1 

1 Company at Bladensbourg 1 Days March L in Maryland 

2 Companys at Frederick 6 Days march J 

"By this Disposition the Companys which are quartered at Win- 
chester Conogogee and Frederick form the Chains, to cover our Maga- 
zines, and will be near at Hand to advance either to Wills's Creek or 
Savage River as you shall Judge most proper. 

"I have pressed the Governour of Pensilvania to have his Country 
reconoiter'd towards the head of the Youghangany and to have the 
Road leading to it marked out, ready to be cut; or if there is any 
nearer way to the french Forts, to have all these Roads marked out: 
For that when we cross the Mountains we must depend a great deal on 
the Supplys of Provisions from that Province. I am with the greatest 
Respect Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant 

John St. Clair. 

"To Major General Braddock." 

I am in Hopes Sir that this will give you some light into our present 
Situation, if I have not been full enough, great allowance is to be given 
to one coming into a Country where he is an intire Stranger, and I 
may say where the Inhabitants are totally ignorant of Military Affairs: 
Their Sloth & Ignorance is not to be discribed; I wish General Brad- 
dock may be able to make them shake it off. I shall undertake to talk 
to the Germans in the language they have been brought up under in 
Germany. There is no such thing as to perswade any of them to enlist 
in the Virginia Companys. 


I have not had time to make my self Master of the Indian Affairs, so 
shall only say in General Terms that I am afraid the French have 
drawn most of them over to their Interest, especially the Six Nations. 
We may expect to see a great Number of them, but never to feel them. 
Since I came from Wills's Creek there are some Letters come to Gov- 
ernours Dinwiddie and Sharp of the 3' 1 of Feb ry which makes them 
apprehensive of being attacked, as the french are making great quan- 
tity of Indian Shoes at their fort, that the fust Column of the Indians 
are arrived, and two more, on their March. The Commanding Officer 
at the Fort has orders to be on the defensive, but that is not necessary 
for two of his Companys have neither Legs to get upon the Heights 
nor to run away thro' the Valleys. 

I am in great hopes that this advice is true, and that they will make 
their Attacks in different parts, if so they are already in a Pannick; but 
on the Contrary if they are lying quiet and relieving their out posl> 
often and at irregular Hours, then their Attacks will follow, and may 
succeed. I shoud be pleased they were making Incursions in the Coun- 
try, for the above reason, this is the only thing will awake the Sleepy 
headed Mortals of this and the Neighbouring Provinces. 

I shall now acquaint you in what manner I am to be employ 'd for 
some time to come, if General Braddock with the Troops do not ar- 

Governour Sharp goes to morrow for Maryland, being obliged to 
meet his Assembly the 20th. He takes his Road thro' Fredericksbourg 
and Alexandria: at the former he is to review the Virginia Detatch- 
ment, Discharge the bad Men (which are too numberous) and choose 
out those who are fit to fill up our Regiments: at the latter he is to 
form the Company of Carpenters to be ready on our Troops landing. 

I shall carry this Letter to Hampton with my others on the 14 (as the 
16th is fixed for Capt. Sprys sailing) and shall see the Hospitals and 
every thing in order for the Sick. I shall return to Williamsbourg the 
16th and the 18th set out for Winchester where I shall execute the 
same thing that Gov 1 " Sharp does at Fredericksbourg on 600 of the 
Virginian Troops, and see that Forage is laid in; This may take me up 
some Days: Then I go to Alexandria either to wait General Braddocks 
Arrival or go where the Service requires me most. I wish I have not 
tired your patience with a long Letter, but if you find that I have been 
too particular, I am sorry for it; I thought it was erring in the safe 
Side. I am with great Sincerity Sir, Your most obedient and most 
obliged humble Servant 

John St Clair 


pS. In Jeffery'ss Map, Winchester is marked Frederick. Wills's Creek 
is marked Caicuctuck Creek. The Road to Savage River which I men- 
tion runs from a small River which runs from the West into the South 
Branch. I send you an Account of the Strength of the French which I 
look upon to be genuine, and an uncorrect Map of the Country on the 
other Side of the Allegany Mountains. 

John Barrell x to Cumberland 


May it Please your highness 

When the Borders of a Country are Attack'd, by an Enterprising 
Treacherous Enemy: I am Sensible a Treatise on the further Improve- 
ment of their produce, may at first View appear Premature, but May 
It Please Your Highness. 

The Inclosed Plan for the Amendment of One, making another, and 
droping the third Act; is to be presumed to be pursued or delay 'd 
agreeable to the Exigency of the State, especialy in Such Articles as are 

But the Northern Colonies Abounding in the Articles of White Oak 
and Pine Timber; and their Consumption Immence in Great Britain; 
Ought immediatly to be Encouraged; because they are now purchased 
with money of Forreigners! Whereas in Justice and good Policy, they 
should be purchased of the Plantations (to the great Emolument of 
the British trade), who would gladly Barter their Deal & c for English 
manufactures, could they do it without loss. But when with the Beni- 
fits to Trade it is Consider'd, the great addition the Supply of lumber 
from America would make to the English navigation; and the vast 
increase of seamen for the British navy; with great humility is hoped 
will appear to your royal highness at this crisis, as Necessary and as 
Interesting a Point, as any yet thought of; for the Utility & Security of 

i This is probably John Barrell of Boston (b. 1707, Report of Record Commission- 
ers of Boston, XXIV) who, with Joseph Gerrish, was a merchant there in the 1740s 
and early 1750s (Acts and Resolves of Mass. Bay, XIII, 287; XIV, 159, 499, 525, 664). 
There is a draft of an unimportant letter in the Cumberland Papers, Cumberland to 
Joseph Gerrish of Boston, January 25, 1749/50, acknowledging the receipt of a 
haunch of American venison. The partnership would seem to have broken up in 
1753 or 1754, when Barrell went to London and Gerrish to Nova Scotia, where he 
became a member of the council and judge of the Court of Common Pleas (New 
Eng. Hist, and Geneal. Reg., LXVII, 110). There is a John Barrell, merchant of 
London, in the list of bankrupts for 1768 (Gentleman's Mag., XXXVIII, 495). 


the British empire! and may be Effected without any Inconvenicncy 
to the government; by Exchanging the bounty on tar (brought to 


Neither Can I think, of a more prudential well limed Encouragement 
to the northern colonies; nor of any other Plan, (without an Addi- 
tional Expence to the Nation) that would give Such a Spring to their 
Navigation, as a bounty on deals; and an Amendment of the whale 
fishery act. except taking off the duty on forreign molasses, a 
cordial that would Cheer the Drooping Spirits, revive the Sinking 
Trade and Diffuse Universal Joy to the north Americans. But when 
they Knew your royal highness was their patron, it would Inspire 
that Loyal Brave People with more Courage and resolution; and prove 
of more Efficacy at this Juncture; then the Arrival of Ten Battalions of 
British troops! Distinguish'd by the prince Possess'd with Every Noble 
Passion for the Felicity of the British empire.— 

The Prince whom non with Integrity of heart Approach In Vain; 
tho' wanting in Elegance of Stile or Accuracy of form; if the Supplica- 
tion be rational and Conducive to the honor and interest of the 
English nation: the Supplicant has nothing to fear, and all to hope; 
from Their Friend & patron. 

Such were my Sentiments, from the Amiable Aspect; when first I 
Saw your royal highness, at stains; return'd from hunting, In the 
Dawn of life May 24 th 1738! Then I was Struck with a longing de- 
sire, and Enthusiastick Faith, that I should one day have an opper- 
tunity, to express my Pleasurable Ideas; of the prince; Most Admir- 
ably disposed; for the true Interest of the British subject; & not only 
Admired and Beloved; by every honest Man under his Auspicious 
Influence but even those of the most restless Cast, are obliged to Con- 
fess the Greatest Merit, and Join the publick acclamations; of your 
highness: In the Imitation of your royal father, who has ever Made, 
The welfare of mankind his Care.— 

Compel'd by these Striking Virtues of your royal highness, and the 
Strongest Ties of duty, to my king & country! I could not, I dared not 
longer Suppress my thoughts, of these Interesting Points, of the Most 
Natural, and Surest Tendency: to the truest interest and welfare, 
of the British empire, with the Utmost Deference and Esteem; Sub- 
mitted to Your princely consideration. By May it Please your royal 
highness, your highnesses Most Obedient, And Most humble Servant 

John Barrell 
Forrest Coffe House, Charing Cross, March 6 th 1755. 


An Account of the Northern Colonies, 
by John Barrell 


the northern colonies, being now become of the most Serious 
Concern; it is to be hoped, every one acquainted with their Situation 
and produce; will not be backward, but freely give his thoughts touch- 
ing their further Improvement, as the best means to Secure and render 
them of the most Service to the British nation. 

And tho' under the Best of kings, the best System of government, 
and in the Enjoyment of the most and best Advantages, of any Nation 
in the World (truths as evident as the Government, that is best Ad- 
ministred is best) yet they are neither So happy nor So Independent 
as they might be; were their Natural Advantages better known and 
pursued, especially in regard to their Plantations Abroad; that are 
Capable of producing many Valuable Staples, Very Essential to the 
Increase of the English Trade and Navigation; I had almost Said as 
Shamefully as they are Impoliticly neglected. 

As every Man Concern'd in the American Trade, That has but an 
indefferent knowledge of the produce of these colonies must know they 
are not of so much Utility to great Britain, as they might be made; 
was their Country better Peopled & Improved. 


pitch, turpentine k c and employs great Numbers of Sea Men, in their 
Codd and Whale Fishery; their West India and other Trade, and 
Annually build Several hundred Ships; which they lade with their own 
produce; for spain, Portugal & italy: the West Indias, Virginia Caro- 
lina & c from whence they are freighted to great Britain with tobacco, 


A Consideration, one would think (without any other) Sufficient to 
Rouse our attention and Ingage us, to an Imitation of our Judicious 
Neighbours the dutch; our political rivals the French; and other 
Wise Nations; that with true wisdom; esteem the riches of their 
plantations their Own; and do all they Can, to make them as Useful 
to their mother country; as their situation and produce can admit. 

And Shall not Wise rritons, from a happy Experience of the great 
utility of their colonies, Pursue the Same prudent Maxims of their 
Sagacious Neighbors, in regard to their American settlements? that 
are not only, Admirably form'd for the Support of each other; but 


for the Riches, and Security of old England, and without the most 
Criminal Neglect; must in the Course of a lew years render the 


These arc truths we hope, that Can Never disgust our Friends, and 
that ought to Silence Such as murmer at the Expense of settling nova 

Gibraltar is to the MEDITERANIAN TRADE. And Infinitely more useful 
from its situation and produce, being the most Convenient for the 
cod fishery, that Important nursery of sailors, that Consumes great 
quantity's of woolens and other British manufacturs, besides many 
other benefits Natural to that part of the world: That when they have 
the Same Plan of Government, with others of his majestys colonies; 
there can be no doubt, but far from being burthensom to England, as 
they now Are; they will become a Vast addition to her strength, 
trade, and navigation— 

Which of Course leads, to the Consideration of other Advantages, 
that will unavoidably Anise to the mother country from the right 
Improvement of her northern colonies; that have been too long 
neglected, and Exposed to many discouragements Contrary to the Gen- 
eral Maxims of good Policy; which with great deference I will en- 
deavor to Illustrate by, 

Showing wherein it is the true Interest of great Britain; to promote 
and Encourage their American settlements by Bountys and other 
Methods, on ship timber, masts, deals, hemp, unwroght iron, and 
pot ash; staples, England is in Absolute need of; and which they may 
be Supply'd with from Their own plantations, in Returns for British 
manufacturs instead of Purchasing them with money, as they now do 
from Forreigners. 

the woolen manufacture, being the Grand Staple of England, the 
Increase of it, has ever been the Grand Object of the best ministers; 
and as at the present day, we trust it ever will be the Care of Britons, 
to promote Such Settlements; as shall best promote the golden fleece; 
that is of more intrinsick Value, Ten Thousand times, then the Mines 
of peru & Mexico, because it not only procures the publick wealth, 
but it fills the nation with industrious Subjects, the Greatest Wealth 
of all; Whereas while the Spanish mines, inrich a few: they beggar 
milions through SLOTH and idleness. 

I believe no Man will deny, that the American colonies, would take 
from England, more of their manufactures then they now take; if they 
could find remittances for them. 

Which proves their Country is not so fertile, as Some would make 


us believe, or not so well Cultivated as it might be, Or, that the people 
are cramp'd, in Some Shape or other to their discouragement and 



that they make as good bar iron, for General and better for perticuler 
Uses, then the Spaniards or sweeds is well known to many that have Im- 
ported it— 

whence then the Infatuation (for Such it must be) that a General 
Importation of this valuable staple from our plantations is not 
permitted into all the Ports of this Island; is a mistery to all the World, 
that hear of the Immense Sums of money paid every year to strangers 
for that Commodity. 

The objection is as partial, as it is impolitic, if I am rightly In- 
formed, it has been Strenuously argued; that the General Importation 
of Iron from the Plantations; would prejudice the proprietors of the 
brittish iron mines; which cannot be the Case; until they can Import 
more then England Consumes; with her own; and when that is the 
Case; it will be time enough to put a check to it, for I would by no 
means Indulge the plantations to the Manifest hurt of any manu- 
facture in England, wherefore until the Plantations can Supply us: it 
is to be wished, the general good of the nation may prevail, in the 
General importation of this Interesting staple: and if thought neces- 
sary a higher duty may be laid on forreign iron, to facilitate So great 
a benifit to our plantations; who want the Incouragement as a return 
for our Woolens & other British manufactures Consumed in America- 
lumber is another very Valuable staple in north America, And 
begins to Show it Self Very Interesting to great Britain.— 

The Prohibition of Exporting it from Some part of the northern 
countrys; has in Some Small degree, open'd to England, the Necessity 
of giving an Incouragement to the Importation from her Own Planta- 
tions; which the more we Import, the more we Shall discover of its 
Utility and Importance; and the Sooner a bounty is given on American, 
or a higher Duty; laid on Forreign Deal; the Sooner England will en- 
joy the benifits that have been too long thrown Away! And the great 
number of Forreign ships employ'd in the deal trade; Sufficiently 
proves the Vast Advantages; that would accrue to a nation; whose 
Security and Riches; depends on the Increase of their trade & naviga- 

And that Such a Country as north America, Cover'd with the best 
Woods in the World; and extrecmly wanted in great Britain: Should 
So long be without a proper Encouragement, that would Create a Vast 


Number of Large Ships; and make a Vast Number of Sailors; is marvel- 
ous indeed! Especially when a bounty on the English, or a higher 
duty on forreign Deal; Sufficient to yield the Adventurer of Ship & 
Lumber his first Cost at the English Market would effect this Necessary 
return and not only Enable the Americans to pay for more British 
manufactures But it would prove Such a Saving of the English oak 
(now used for Merchant Ships) As Ought in good Policy, to be pre- 
served for the royal navy- 
hemp is another Valuable Article; for w ch England Annually Pays, 
Severl hundred thousand pounds in Cash to Strangers! that may be 
Saved in the nation, by a Small Bounty; on that Commodity raised 
in America; For which the soil & climate; is well known, to be as Suit- 
able as any in the World: and if it was once become a Staple of the Plan- 
tations; it would Introduce great Numbers of Industrious People Used 
to that Manufacture; who would gladly Exchange the hardships of 
their Native Countrys; for the Plentiful Country of America: where in 
the Course of forty or fifty years; they might raise hemp enough for 
the British navigation, to which as in the Article of Lumber; it would 
Prove a Vast Addition— 

pot ash, another Valuable Commodity; and for making it, there is 
not on the Globe, a more Suitable Country then north America; and, 
for it large sums in Cash: is paid every year by Great Britain to For- 
reigners! that might be paid for, with English Manufactures, was a 
Suitable Bounty given for making it in our Own Plantations — 

For iron, deal, hemp & pot ash, if I am truely Informed, the British 
nation pays to Strangers a million Sterling one Year with Another; 
more, then the Nations that Import them, take of our Manufacturs; 
an Immense Sum Indeed! that might be saved in the nation, and paid 
for with British manufactures to their Own Plantations; and to the 
Vast Increase of navigation, sailors and other useful subjects; and 
the Cultivation, of one, of the Best Countrys in the World: tho' in a 
distant, yet Important Comer of the Earth to Great Britain! at this 
day Evidently the Aim, and Envy of the French nation! 

naval stores proves the Vast Utility of a bounty On the plantation 
produce; and Shows besides the Benifits Arrising from the Employ- 
ment of many Ships; besides the advantages of Payment with British 
manufactures, and the Settling, Clearing, and fitting their Lands for 
Agriculture; tar that was formerly purchased of the Sweeds with money 
at 60/ a barrell; has been Since Sold on a medium under 10/— and at 
this day don't Sell for 7/ p barrel: that together with the Bounty after 
freight Commisions and other charges are deducted; don't yield the 


Importer his first Cost— and proves there is too much made and, that 
the Salutary purposes proposed by the Bounty is fully answered; in the 
Maturity of an Article now become a Staple; and So Natural to the 
Carolinians; that the advantage of clearing their Lands; will here- 
after lead them to make a Sufficiency for the British Consumption; and 
turn to their greater Advantage; as they apply themselves to Cutting 
Deals, raising hemp, and making pot ash: and of Course prevent the 
English Markets being over Stock'd. and the present Bounty on Tar. 
may be taken off without prejudice— and applied as a Bounty on hemp 
Lumber & c until those Articles are brought to Maturity. 

But as these weighty matters lye before the British parliment 
The Spirit of the British Empire; and not only give Being to the Use- 
ful, but remove all impediments (that Appear) to the General Welfare 
of the Nation— Britons have every thing to hope for a Suitable In- 
couragement: by Bountys or otherwise, on these Valuable Staples, as 
their Expediency and Utility may appear; and they may Safely rely on 
the removal of the Grand Impediment to the General Utility of the 
British Whale Fishery— the Compulsive Clause of that Act Viz 1 that all 
Ships built and fitted out in America Shall make their Oil in Some 
part of Great Britain— which has hitherto prevented any Considerable 
Experiment from the Western Plantations; and Consequently rendred 
Abortive, one of the grand ends proposed by the Bounty. Viz 1 the In- 
crease of Our Navigation; that will of Course follow, when this im- 
pediment is removed: As the American Whalers; when they have lib- 
erty to make their Oil at home: will, not only have the benifit of giving 
their Ships a full freight, But, they will be ready to Improve the Sea- 
son of Killing Whales on their own Coast; without being Exposed to 
a European Voyage; which they dread from the Terrors of the Small 

This Indulgence may be granted; the Utility of the Bounty An- 
swer'd; and every Imposition prevented; by a Certificate from the 
Custom House, Swore to before the Governor & Collector, where the 
Whales were kill'd, and where the Oil; was made.— 

And here we are led to the Consideration of the Pernicious Duty on 
Forreign Molases Imported into North America- -That has for more 
than twenty years past, been a great hindrance to the Growth of those 

molases being an Article of the most use to the Inhabitants Who 
Cannot Cultivate their Lands, nor Carry on their Fishery without it- 
well known to many in England, that have felt the Extremitys of Heat 
and Cold in that Country: and Can Attest, to the husband Man in 


Summer; it is Death to drink beer or Water in the field: And in the 
Winter, without the Mixture of Rum; it is impossible to endure the 
Cold. An Article So Useful and Necessary, Ought to be free; especially 
that tends So much to the well being of the Inhabitants Settled on 
that Continent; at least 1500 miles, from the Eastermost Settlement in 
New England; to the Westermost in South Carolina, and this is not 
all, for the Newfound Land Fishery, are great Sharers in the bad Con- 
sequences of the Molases duty; and every Individual that is Con- 
cern'd in the Articles of Tobacco, Rice, and all other North American 
produce, is greatly Injured by it; without any benifit at all, to any of 
His Majestys Subjects: but a few West India Merchants; that, have 
made great Fortunes by riming French Molasses and destilling it into 

A Duty, of Such General prejudice is most humbly hoped, will be 
no longer Continued; that a few may Swell in State: and wallow in 
pleasure! and to the real hurt of our West India Islands! for if the 
Northern Colonies are not Supported, the English in the Southern 
Settlements Cannot Subsist: Wherefore if the Islanders understood 
their real Interest; they would agree, that all His Majestys Subjects in 
America: Should be on such an Establishment as that each Settlement; 
should be made to subserve to the Welfare of the other; and all to the 
General Good of their Mother Country; which can never be the Case, 
whilest any of them enjoy benifits to the prejudice of the other as some 
have done ever since the Molases Act 1733— from which time the 
Northern Colonies have had little or non at all of that Article from 
any of the English Islands but Jamaica. 

And here I may Safely Assert; that the North Americans are So 
farr from barring their West India Brethren of their Natural right; 
that they would be pleased with a Prohibition of all Forreign destill'd 
Spirits, and if my Judgment Could Prevail. I would have a Prohibition 
of the Trade of the Northern Colonies to Cape Britton! Which is not 
only prejudicial to the Trade of Great Brittain in General! But the 
Colonies had better be without it— As they not only Supply the French 
with what they want on their own terms! but they take from them what 
they please to give us; and Molases; the only Article we Want; they 
will let us have but a little! and that at an Advanced price; and every 
one must know French rum. Brandy Sc Silks; our Colonies have no 
occasion for. 

And another Injurious Supply of the English to the french is flower, 
at least 50 p O under what they could be Supplied from Old France; 
whereby the French Rival us in our Fishery (as their Men have not 


half the wages ours have) and Supply the Indians to Cutt our throats! 
These are matters of the Utmost Concern at this Critical Conjuncture; 
and if longer delay 'd may prove of Fatal Consequence!— 

The French, that restless Nation! not Satisfied with being the dis- 
turbers of Europe, are now become the Plague, and Pest of every 
Corner of the Globe! against Such Enemys None can be too much on 
their guard! and Surely England Cannot be too Speedy in preventing 
every Supply from her Plantations that tends to Strengthen the Com- 
mon Enemy of Mankind. 

Neither can they do a better thing then by making their useless 
members at home become useful abroad. 

and the first object that presents in View, is the removal of the 
Crouds of troublesom Importers that throng the Streets of their 
Metropolis; Some through Idleness, and Some by their perverse ob- 
stinacy! Abuse the Most humane Charitable Citty in the World! by 
making themselves, but are not, the objects they appear to be. 

Whilest another unhappy Sett of Men; that would, if they could; 
but Cannot releive themselves, because Confin'd to a Goal (by Merci- 
less Creditors)! and that would gladly part with the last farthing, to 
obtain their liberty! and would Joyfully Imbrace the favour of a 
passage from the Goverment to America— 

And the beggers Should be compell'd— and thereby be made useful; 
who are now a dead weight to the Nation.— thus would the Streets be 
Clear 'd of a troublesom set of Beings; and the Prisons emptied of 
unfortunate Debtors; and both Settled on the Borders of our Colonies, 
would give a happy turn to the Indians: who by Nature Sagacious; 
when they Saw the English Superiour in numbers to the French; would 
gladly Court our Alliance. 

Another unhappy Set of Men; that by their Attrocity have made 
themselves obnoxious, and by their Crimes, forfeited their lives to the 
Government: tho' by the frequency of Executions, the Terrors of 
Death are So farr lost; as not to Answer the Ends proposed by their 
punishmentl Yet, they are not altogether unworthy of our thoughts! 
and if a Punishment more Dreadful then Death; Could be thought of! 
whereby the Publick may be Satisfied; and a total loss of those Aban- 
don'd Wretches prevented! by Such a Mask of Infamy, as no Art 
Should Efface: and instead of hanging they Should be Sentensed for 
life to guard the Frontiers In America: and thereby made useful to 
the Publick; in the Ease and Security of the husband Men, Mart Men: 
and others exposed by Various Employments!— 

For it is a Melancholly reflection! that Some Such Method as this, 


has not been thought of; for the Salvation of many lives, that have 
been lost; and others that will be lost: if Somewhat like this is not 
done to prevent them I— 

And now, 1 am to guard my Self; against the Suspicion of Some 
Seeming improbability's; that attend the Propositions here advanced. 

And altho' from my Soul I declare, that I have the General Se- 
curity, and prosperity of the British Empire in View; Inseperably 
Connected with the Welfare of the American Colonies. 

Yet I am aware, that my Sentiments are So Plain, and Natural; it 
will be difficult to reconcil them to the Conduct of their Rulers, that 
have been ever esteem'd: for their Sagacity. 

That Such a People, for more then a Century; Should neglect Ap- 
plication, for a reasonable Encouragement, on Such Valuable, and 
Such necessary Staples; as iron, deals, hemp, and pot ash: Articles, as 
Natural to their Country, as they are Conducive to their Wealth: is 
hardly to be Credited! 

Wherefore, to remove the Incredibility, of this Strange neglect: be 
it remembred, as Strange as it may Seem; it is true! Sagacious as the 
Americans may be thought; or as they may think themselves! a Fatality 
has hitherto attended all Efforts that have been made for these Salutary 
purposes! and a Wretched Insensibility; especially in the Massachusets 
Province; has prevented their People in Power from being Rich: or in 
better words; their Imaginary Rich in Waste lands: from being really 
So in the Improvement of them! but they are obstinate; and to this 
Day (having purchased their lands for little or nothing) hold them at 
Such hard terms of Settlement: (for fear as Some have Said Strangers 
Should eat the bread of their Children) that the Industrious Man that 
would, dare not ingage to Settle them!. 

Which has been, a great obstruction to the Peopling New England; 
and without the Interposition of the Brittish Parlament: is not likely 
to be removed.— 

Tho' of the greatest importance; that Such Sensless Proprieters 
Should be taxed for their Waste lands; and the Tax applied as a 
bounty, to Such as should Cultivate 6- Settle them— 

A Remedy this; not to be expected in that Goverment (tho' the 
dictates of Common Sense) whilest a Majority of the Council, &• house 
of Representatives; are the Men, that will be most affected by the Tax. 

Wherefore it is from the Parliment, the Guardians of the British 
Empire; who to their Greatest Honor, never touch Private property; 
but when it is absolutely necessary for the Publick Utility, a remedy is 
humbly hoped, against these Monopolisers of Lands, that have ex- 


posed that Country to the Necessity of Supplicating the Assistance of 
the Crown against The Present Incroachments of their Avow'd Enemy 
the French. 

The Want of a Civil Government in nova scotia, has been before 
hinted, as the Grand Bar; to the Increase of the Settlement; and too 
many people in Office, too many Lawyers, and too many Law Suits! 
will ever Cramp an Infant Plantation— and if not remedied, must 
break up Halifax; or Continue it a Burthen to the nation. 

And, of Some other of the American Settlements, it may be truely 
Said; there are too many Law Suits! 

Tho', the Wish, and prayer of every friend to the British empire. 

That the Number of Lawyers may be limitted, in all the Planta- 
tions; as they were in England; in the Reign of Edward the 3 d . 

The Sallerys of Judges, as well as the Judges; equal to their Dignity 
and Importance! 

And a time fixed for the Definitive Judgment of all Causes.— 

These Salutary Establishments, would, not only Banish useless Mem- 
bers from the Colonies; or make them become Servisable; but, they 
would Introduce honest, Industreous Inhabitants: the best Security, 
and truest Riches any Country Can enjoy. 

And who Can desire a greater Satisfaction, then being the Author 
of those Extensive Benefits to a nation. Above all others: that may be 
truly Said: to be Satisfied with their Own Dominions: and to this 
Satisfaction Can add; the glory of being the defenders; of the lib- 
ertys of Europe! 

And yet, as there are different degrees of pleasure, they must be 
proportionate, to the benefits Confer'd; Therefore, the Man that is 
the best Benefactor, must enjoy the greatest felicity: And a greater; 
the most Ambitious, would not Aspire After! then being the promoters 
of Such an addition to the Trade, and Navigation of Great Britain; 
As the Invaluable Articles of iron, hemp, deals & pot ash will be: when 
they become the Staples of north America. For it is to that Quarter of 
the World, that Great Britain is obliged for the Figure they now make 
in the Commercial World, and for the Vast Increase of the royal 

And this being the real State of these Interesting Staples & c to Great 
Britain; and the Salutary methods that leads to make them Such in 
America: if I may be indulged with a repetition of the Necessity of the 
Expulsion of that clause in the whale fishery act. that Obliges all 
ships built and fitted out in America to make their Oil in Some part 
of Great Britain. I hope it will be granted there Can never be a better 


time for it then the present and that a more prudential Encourage- 
ment Cannot be given to the Americans at this Crisis, then the entire 


northern colonies, which would Inspire that loyal brave people 
with more Courage and Resolution to repel and Extirpate the French 
out of America and prove of more Service then Ten Battalions of Brit- 
ish troops— who may be of more Service at home, and these Necessary 
measures pursued abroad, together with Money and ships which would 
Answer every good purpose in the Security and Greatest Utility to the 
English American Settlements, and the glory and prosperity of the 


[Endorsed] M r Barrell's Account of the Situation, Produce, & c of the Northern 
Colonies. London, March the 6 th IJ55. 

General Edward Braddock 1 to Robert Napier 


Williamsburg March 17. 1755. 


By the Gibraltar which sail'd about a Fortnight ago I wrote to you 
to acquaint you with all I then knew; Every thing as I then told you 
was in the utmost confusion; We have with a good deal of difficulty 
put our Affairs in some sort of Method. The Transports are all arriv'd, 
except one, which is expected every hour. Without Mr. Keppel I 
should have been in great distress, the Embarkation having been made 
in great confusion, Arms, Men, Stores, Officers of different Regiments 
in one Ship, and as Sir John St. Clair foretold a thousand Difficulties 
rais'd in case I had gone up to Annapolis, as I had propos'd before 
the Transports came in, but with the Commodore's assistance, who 
by the by I think is an Officer of infinite Merit, we have pack'd them 
all up to Alexandria with very little grumbling, whither I propose to 
follow them the day after to morrow, and in all probability be there 
a day or two before them. There is not one sick Man among them, 
which is pretty extraordinary considering the length of the passage, in 
which one Man was wash'd overboard. As to the provisions they made 
a Rout about there were never known better deliver'd. I at first in- 

1 Edward Braddock (1695-1755) was for forty-three years in the Coldstream Guards, 
hecoming lieutenant colonel of the regiment in 1745. Colonel of the 14th regiment 
at Gibraltar in 1753, he became major general in 1754 and commander in chief in 
North America. 


tended to have canton'd the Troops according to the Account sent you 
by Sir John St. Clair, but as the Winter seems to be now so far broke 
up as to admit of their encamping without any ill consequence, I have 
order'd those that first arriv'd, as I have the others since, to proceed 
up the River Potomack to Alexandria, there to disembark and en- 
camp immediately, by which means they will have time to discipline 
their additional which otherwise would be spent in marching back- 
wards and forwards. The Levies of Virginia and Maryland are like- 
wise to join me at Alexandria: After I have augmented the two Eng- 
lish Regiments to 700 Men each with the best of 'em, I purpose to 
form the others to the following Establishm 1 which has been agreed to 
by Gov r Dinwiddie; viz 1 Two Companies of Carpenters, consisting 
each of a Captain, two Subalterns, three Serjeants, three Corporals, and 
fifty Men; Four Companies of Foot Rangers or six, if I can get them, 
upon the same Establishment; One Troop of Horse Rangers, consist- 
ing of one Captain, two Subalterns, two Serjeants and thirty Men: 
These Companies are to receive from the Province the same nominal 
pay in the Currency of the Country with the Establishment of his 
Majesty's Forces, the Difference of Exchange between which and 
Sterling is about 25 p Cent. I have also settled a Company of Guides, 
one Captain two Aids and ten Men. I have fix'd posts from the Head 
Quarters to Philadelphia, Annapolis and Williamsburg, to facilitate 
the Correspondence necessary for me with those several Governments. 
There are here Numbers of Mulattoes and free Negroes of whom I 
shall make Bat Men, whom the province are to furnish with pay and 
Frocks, being resolv'd to allow none out of the Troops. 

I hear Governor Shirley's Regiment is near if not quite compleat; 
I have heard nothing of nor from Sir William Pepperell: Mr. Keppel 
has sent the Arms Cloathing, Officers and whatever else belongs to 
those two Regiments to the Northward in two transports under the 
Convoy of a Man of War. 

As soon as I can assemble the Troops provide Forage provisions and 
other Necessaries for their March I shall proceed to attempt the Re- 
duction of the French Forts upon the Ohio: It is doubtful whether 
there will be grass on the other side the Alliganey Mountains before 
the latter End of April, which is indeed as soon as it will probably be 
in my power to get there. 

It is not in my power as yet to give you a certain Account of the 
Number and Strength of the Forces I shall have with me: If I am able 
to compleat the two English Regiments to 1400, and the provincial 


Levies to the Establishment above mention'd, I dont find they can 
amount in the whole with the Independent Companies of New York 
and Carolina (which two first arc good for nothing) to above 2300 or 
thereabouts. I had propos'd to send for a Detachment from the Ameri- 
can Regiments, but as I have thought it necessary to have an Interview 
with Gov r Shirley, and have accordingly sent him Orders to meet me 
at Annapolis in Maryland I have defcrr'd giving Orders on that head 
till after I have seen him. At this Interview which I expect in about 
a Fortnight (and at which I have desir'd the Governors of New York 
and Pensilvania to be present if the Affairs of their Governments will 
admit of it), 1 propose to settle the Operations to the Northward: By 
the first opportunity after it I shall acquaint you with what has been 

It is likewise impossible for me to give you any certain Account of 
the French Force upon the River Ohio; If anything can be collected 
from the various Acco ts of 'em it is that their Numbers exceed 3000, a 
considerable part of which are Indians. It is universally agreed that all 
the Tribes of the Iroquois except the Mohawks are gone over to their 
Interest; but as the present Attachment of these Nations, and such 
others of the Southern Indians as are in alliance with them, is at- 
tributed to the late Superiority of the French, it may be hop'd that 
the Appearance of our Army, or at least any Advantage gain'd, may 
make a great Alteration in their Dispositions. 

Sir John St. Clair having inform'd me that we shall be oblig'd to 
break ground before the Fort upon the Ohio, and there having been 
only four twelve pounders sent out with the Train, I have applied to 
Commodore Keppel for four more from the Ships with a proper 
Quantity of Ammunition, and for many other Things that were neces- 
sary, all which he has supplied [with] the greatest expedition; and has 
upon every occasion shewn the utmost Readiness in concurring with me 
in all measures for promoting the Success of the present Service: He has 
likewise order'd thirty Sailors with proper Officers to attend the Army, 
who will be of the greatest use in assisting the Conveyance of the 
Artillery over the Mountains. I have settled the pay of these Men with 
Mr. Keppel at 3/6 p day for the Midshipmen, and /6 for the com- 
mon Sailors, which I shall be oblig'd to charge to the Contingencies. 

I am, Sir, Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant, 

E. Braddock. 


Major-General Edward Braddock to Newcastle x 


Williamsburgh March 20 th 1755. 
My Lord, 

In Obedience to your Grace's Commands I take the earliest oppor- 
tunity that has been in my power to acquaint You with my arrival 
here, as well as that of all the Transports with the Forces under my 
Command. My own Voyage was troublesome, but the Transports met 
with better Weather, and I have the pleasure to acquaint your Grace 
there has not been one Man sick on board them all. 

What Effect His Majesty's Directions to His several Governors 
upon occasion of the present Expedition may have in the Colonies 
under their Command, I know not; I cannot say as yet they have 
shewn the Regard to 'em that might have been expected. I have used, 
& shall continue to use my Endeavours to excite in 'em a better Spirit, 
and to prevail upon 'em to bear such a Share of the Expence, which 
will attend the present Undertaking, as their Duty to His Majesty, and 
the Interest they have in the Event of it requires from 'em.— For this 
purpose, among others, I have sent Orders to M r Shirley to meet me 
at Annapolis in Maryland, and have desired the Governors of New 
York & Pensilvania to accompany him thither, if the Affairs of their 
Governments will admit of it. 

I shall not trouble Your Grace with the Detail of Business under 
my Direction in the Service I am engaged in: As 1 have wrote fully 
to the Secretary of State by this Opportunity, I beg leave to refer You 
to my Letter to him for any Particulars you may have an Inclination to 
be informed of. 

As I hear M r Shirley's Regim 1 is nearly or quite compleat, and am 
in hopes Sir William Pepperell may have made some progress in 
raising his, I shall, immediately after I have seen Gov Shirley, give 
Orders for employing those Forces in such manner to the Northward, 
as may appear most conducive to the Service intended. I shall my- 
self proceed with the Force I shall have with me to attempt the Re- 
duction of the French Forts upon the Ohio, and hope to be on the 
further side of the Alliganey Mountains by the End of April. 

I have receiv'd all possible Assistance from Commodore Keppel, 

1 This letter, translated into French and retranslated, is in Jacob Nicholas Moreau, 
A Memorial containing a summary View of Facts, with their Authorities in answer 
to the Observations sent by the English Ministry to the Courts of Europe (1757'), 132. 
The general sense of the original was not altered by the double translation. 


who is an Officer of great Capacity and Merit. I must likewise acquaint 
Your Grace, that I have met with the readiest Concurrence from the 
Governor of this Province in every measure I have proposed for the 
Service of the Expedition, & that the people under his Command seem 
now dispos'd to contribute largely & chearfully to the support of it, 
which is more than I can say of the other Governments. 

As small coined Silver will be greatly wanted for the payment of the 
Troops, and as no considerable Quantity of it can be got in this 
Province; I must beg of your Grace to direct the Contractors, M r 
Hanbury & M r Thomlinson, to send over as soon as possible, if they 
have not already done it, four or five Thousand pounds, in Piastrines 
& Half Piastrines: which is the more necessary, as all the Money 
already brought over by the Regimental Paymasters is in Spanish 
Gold and Dollars. 

I am &c a 

E: Braddock. 
I have heard nothing yet of the Deputy Paymaster Gen 1 . 2 

[Endorsed] Williamsburgh— March 20 th 175$. Maj r Gen 1 Braddock To the D: 
of Newcastle. R/ May 29. 

General Edward Braddock to Robert Napier 


1 had the pleasure of writing to you from Williamsburg last March 
by a Vessel which was to sail in about a Weeks time, and have since 
sent the Duplicate by another. Mr. Shirley with the other Northern 
Governors met me at this place last Week, we then settled a plan for 
the Operations in these parts: Gov r Shirley lay'd before me the Meas- 
ures concerted between him and Gov r Lawrence for repelling the 
French from their new Encroachments on the Bay of Fundi, which I 
approv'd of, and immediately sent orders to Lt. Colonel Monckton 
to take upon him that Command and carry it into execution. I also 
settled with the Governors present a plan for the Reduction of Crown 
Point, which is to be undertaken by provincial Troops alone, rais'd in 
the Northern Colonies to the Number of about four thousand four 
hundred to be commanded by Col. Johnson a person particularly 
qualify'd for it by his Knowledge of those parts, his great Influence 

2 William Johnston. 


over the Six Nations and the universal opinion they have of him in the 
Northern Colonies: I am to supply him with an Engineer. I propos'd 
of Colonel Shirley to go in person to attack the Fort at Niagara; He 
express'd the greatest Readiness to engage in it; I therefore order'd 
him to take his own Regiment which is compleat, and Sir William Pep- 
perell's which will probably be so too by the time he wants them, 
and to proceed upon it as soon as possible with my Orders to reinforce 
the Garrison at Oswego with two Companies of Sir William Pepperell's 
and the Effectives of the two Independent Companies at New York, 
and to put the Works in such Repair as to preserve the Garrison and 
secure his Retreat and Convoys. Col. Shirley apply'd to me to put the 
two American Regiments upon the same footing as to their provisions 
with those to the Northward and Southward telling me that from the 
general Discontent of the Men he was apprehensive of a Mutiny, they 
being put under Stoppages for their provisions, when the others re- 
ceive them as a Gratuity. I therefore directed him to give them the 
same Allowance as the other Regiments, as the Service requir'd their 
immediate Aid, and might suffer by this Discouragement, and indeed 
I must say that a Soldier here should have every Advantage as their 
Fatigue is very great and their pay not near sufficient in this dear and 
desolate Country. I shall set out to morrow for Frederick in my way to 
Fort Cumberland at Wills's Creek, where I shall join the two Columns 
which are now upon their March at about fifty Miles distance: This 
Disposition I was oblig'd to make for the Conveniency of Horses and 
Waggons, by which means I employ those of Maryland which would 
not be prevail'd upon to cross the Potomack. I have met with infinite 
Difficulties in providing Carriages &c for the Train nor am I as yet 
quite reliev'd from one, a great part still continuing here which has 
delay'd me for some time; I shall get them dispatch'd tomorrow or 
next day. I am impatient to begin my March over the Mountains, 
which in my last I told you were fifteen Miles over, tho' I now know 
them to be between sixty and seventy, about half way are those 
Meadows which are not very large, where the French attack'd our 
people that were under Washington. I am to expect Numberless In- 
conveniences and Obstructions from the total want of dry Forage from 
the being oblig'd to carry all our provisions with us which will make 
a vast Line of Baggage and which tho' I reduce as much as possible 
will nevertheless occasion great Trouble and retard me considerably. 
I have found it absolutely necessary to appoint eight Ensigns to the 
two Regiments to act without pay 'till Vacancies shall happen; The 
Nature of the Country made this Step unavoidable as I am oblig'd to 


make a Number of small Detachments with every one of which the 
Service requires an Officer, and without this Expedient the Regiments 
must have sometimes been left without a sufficient Number ol Subal- 
terns. As I have and shall find it often necessary to oblige the Men to 
take with them seven or eight clays provisions, it being frequently im- 
possible to supply them by the great distance from one Magazine to 
another, in order to enable them to carry any Additional Weight 1 
have lighten'd them as much as possible, and have left in store their 
Swords and the greatest part of their heavy Accoutrements. I have also 
made a Regulation which I think will be of great Advantage in posting 
every Officer in time of Service to his own Company and ordering the 
oldest Battalion Company to act as Second Grenadier Company upon 
the left, by which means the eight Companies form so many Firings or 
sixteen platoons as I shall find necessary commanded by their respective 
Officers: I was indue'd to make this Regulation on account of the 
additional Recruits that the Officers and Men might know one an- 
other, which by Companies they might easily do, but by Battalion 
scarcely possible; and in case of Alarm the Men and Officers will know 
their respective posts sooner than by the usual Method. I have receiv'd 
His Majesty's orders for the Augmentation and immediately sent an 
Express to Gov 1 * Lawrence who is about seven hundred Miles off to 
acquaint him of it, and from the spirit and Military Turn of the North- 
ern Colonies I don't doubt of his raising his Numbers, but I fear it 
will be long before I can compleat these two Regiments as I meet with 
but few Recruits and those very indifferent. I have not even yet quite 
compleated them to seven hundred: I have great promises, what the 
performances will be a little time will shew. The officers and Men of 
these two Regiments behave well and shew great Spirit and Zeal for 
the Service, which will be a good Example to the rest. I shall go against 
the Forts upon the Ohio with a smaller Number of Men than I at first 
intended because I would not weaken the Force destin'd for the At- 
tack of Niagara, but I can't help flattering myself with Success as the 
plan which I have inclos'd to Mr. Fox, and which I presume you will 
see, takes in all the considerable Encroachments the French have made 
upon His Majesty's Dominions in America, in the most important 
parts in the attacking of which if we succeed it appears to me very 
evident that the Colonies will be effectually secur'd from all future 
Encroachments if they chuse it. I have been greatly disappointed by 
the neglect and supineness of the Assemblies of those provinces, with 
which I am conccrn'd; they promis'd great Matters and have done 
nothing whereby instead of forwarding they have obstructed the Sen- 


ice. When I get to Wills's Creek I will send you an exact account of 
my Numbers and exact Returns of the whole, it being impossible to 
do it regularly now we are so divided: Also whatever other Information 
or Intelligence I shall get there, it being impracticable to get any 
here, the people of this part of the Country laying it down for a 
Maxim, never to speak Truth upon any account. I beg my humblest 
Duty to His Royal Highness and believe me to be with the greatest 
sincerity, Your most Humble and most Obedient Servant, 

E. Braddock. 
Alexandria April 19. 1755. 

PS. I have appointed Captain Morris of Dunbar's my other Aid de 
Camp, and have given the Major of Brigade's Commission to Captain 
Halket, at Sir John St. Clair's Recommendation. 

General Edward Braddock to Robert Napier 




I had the pleasure of writing to you from Frederick the latter End 
of April, when I gave you an Account of all I then knew. On the 10th 
of May I arriv'd here; the Train who have been very near a Month 
on their March, arriv'd the 17th; and the whole of the Forces are 
now assembled, making about two thousand Effectives, the greatest 
part Virginians, very indifferent Men, this Country affording no bet- 
ter; it has cost infinite pains and labour to bring them to any sort of 
Regularity and Discipline: Their Officers very little better, and all 
complaining of the ill Usage of the Country, who employ 'd them last 
Year without pay or provisions. I am told they have made a pretty 
good hand of this year's recruiting Affair, tho' I can get no proof of 
it. This part of the Country is absolutely unknown to the Inhabitants 
of the lower parts of Virginia and Maryland, their Account of the 
Roads and provisions utterly false. From Winchester to this place 
which is Seventy Miles is almost uninhabited, but by a parcel of 
Banditti who call themselves Indian Traders, and no Road passable 
but what we were oblig'd to make ourselves with infinite Labour. It 
would take up too much of your Time were I to tell you particularly 
the Difficulties and Disappointments I have met with from the want 
of Honesty and Inclination to forward the Service in all Orders of 


people in these Colonies, which have occasional the great Delays in 
getting hither, as well as my being detain'd here a Month longer than 
I intended. I was assur'd at Williamsburg that two hundred Waggons 
and two thousand five hundred Horses would be here by the 10th of 
May, as also great Quantities of Forage at proper distances upon the 
Road, where the Artillery and Waggons were to pass, and that proper 
persons and such as could be depended upon were employ'd for that 
purpose; but I soon found that there was hardly any Forage in the 
Country and that the promises of the people of Virginia and Mary- 
land were not to be depended upon: If we press'd Waggons, as we 
were oblig'd to let the Horses go into the Woods to feed, they went 
off directly, the pack Horses the same, for which reason I determin'd 
before I left Frederick to desire Mr. Franklin of Pensilvania (a province 
whose people tho' they will contribute very little to the Expedition 
are exact in their Dealings, and much more industrious than the 
others) to contract in my name for an hundred and fifty Waggons and 
a Number of pack Horses to be sent to this place with all expedition. 
It was well I took this precaution, for the Number of Horses and 
Waggons procur'd in these Colonies do not amount to the tenth part 
of what I was promis'd: Mr. Franklin undertook and perform'd his 
Engagements with the greatest readiness and punctuality. By this 
means I hope to leave this place to morrow with a less Quantity of 
provisions than I propos'd from the Disappointment of the Waggons 
and Weakness of the Horses. To remedy as much as possible this 
Inconvenience I have sent forward a strong Detachment with a large 
Convoy of provisions to be lodg'd upon the most advantagious spot of 
the Alliganey Mountains with directions for the Waggons to return 
with a proper Escort. My being oblig'd to draw my Supplies from dis- 
tant provinces lays me under a Necessity of employing a Number of 
Assistant Commissaries, none of which will serve without exorbitant 
pay and am fore'd to make more Contracts than I otherwise should, 
to guard against the failure of some of them, in which Contracts the 
people take what Advantage they can of our Necessity. Nothing can 
well be worse [?] than the Road I have already pass'd and I have an hun- 
dred and ten Miles to march thro* an uninhabited Wilderness over 
steep rocky Mountains and almost impassable Morasses. From this 
Description, which is not exaggerated you conceive the difficulty of 
getting good Intelligence, all I have is from Indians, whose veracity is 
no more to be depended upon [than] that of the Borderers here; their 
Accounts are that the Number of French at the Fort at present is but 

(continued on page 92) 

A. Retur> 





Officers Present 



Corps, Sc Companies 




















The 44 th Regiment of 

The 48 th Regiment of 

Cap 1 John Rutherford's 
Independ 1 Compy 
N: York 







J 3 









Cap 1 Horatio Gates's 
Independ 1 Compy 
N: York 

The Detachment from 

South Carolina 

Commanded by Cap 1 
Paul Demere 













Absent Officers 

Cap 1 William Eyres, Of the 44' 
Col: Johnson, as Engineer. 

Reg 1 of Foot, gone to New York, to assist 

Encamped at Will's Creek— June the 8 th 1755. 


a to 


Rank, & File 

compleat to 
the Establishm 1 

Since last Return 












Rank, & File 



















9 1 






















A Return Of the Detachment of Sea-men 
Commanded by Lieu 1 Spendelowe. 
























[.S/gnerf] E Braddock 

A Return 

of The Virginia Mary-Land, 

& North Carolina 

Officers Present 








Troop, Or Companies. 



























Cap 1 Rob 1 Stewarts Troop of Light 





Capt George Mercer j 

Capt Will* Poison J Amncers 

Captain Adam Stevens 



Captain Peter Hogg 

Captain Tho s Waggoner 

Captain Tho s Cocke 

- Rangers 

Cap 1 W m Perronee 

Cap 1 John Dagworthy 


Cap 1 Ed: Brice Dobbs 

North Carolina 









Troops, Encamp'd at Will's Creek— June the 8 th 1755: 



Rank, & File 

to compleat 

to the 
Establishm 1 

Since last Return 






































I 1 


I I 
















[Signed] E Braddock 


A Return Of The Detachment of 

the Royal 


r OF 

Military Branch 










Cap 1 Rob 1 Hind 
































Fit for Duty 












Sick in Hospitals 


















Artillery, Encamped att Will's Creek: June 8th 1755. 

Civil Branch 

Abstract Of the Artillery 
















No of 






Inch Howitzers 
Cohorn Mortars 


Powder Carts . . 
Tumbrils for 
Intrench^ Tools 
Spare Carriages 

for Guns 


Money Tumbril 


l 5 


... 8 









... - 








... 1 

... 1 




[Signed] E Braddock 



small, but pretend to expect a great Reinforcement; this I do not en- 
tirely credit, as I am very well persuaded they will want their Forces 
to the Northward. As soon as I have join'd the Detachment, who have 
been seven days making a Road of twenty four Miles, I shall send 
people for Intelligence, who I have reason to beleive I can confide 
in. I have order'd a Road of Communication to be cut from Phila- 
delphia to the Crossing of the Yanghyanghain, which is the Road we 
ought to have taken, being nearer, and thro' an inhabited and well 
cultivated Country, and a Road as good as from Harwich to London, 
to some Miles beyond where they are now opening the new Road. 
I am inform'd the long expected Arms for the New England Forces 
bound to Nova Scotia are arriv'd and that they are sail'd. Boats and 
Floats are preparing for the Troops destin'd to Niagara and Crown 
point, the province of New York have been dilatory in regard to that 
Service of which I presume you will have a particular Account from 
Governor Shirley, who is upon the Spot and which he may convey to 
you as soon as to myself untill the Communication can be open'd. 
Inclos'd I send you the Return of the Forces I propose to proceed 
with, had I more it would be out of my power to subsist them. With 
these I flatter myself to be able to drive the French from the Ohio, and 
to open a Communication with the rest of His Majesty's Forces in the 
other provinces. Captain Bromley of Sir Peter Halket's is dead, I have 
dispos'd of the Commissions in the Regiment according to Seniority. 
Mr. Hervey has the Ensigney. I receiv'd a Letter from Sir William Pep- 
perel complaining of his ill State of Health from his sufferings at 
Louisbourg, and to let me know his Regiment is near compleat; as it 
is some time since, I presume they are so by this time. Shirley's has 
been so long since. I have wrote to them both to send their Returns 
to England by the first opportunity. 

I am, dear Sir, Your Most Humble and Most Obedient Servant 

Fort Cumberland Wills's Creek 

June 8th 1755. 

I receiv'd this Morning a Letter from S r W m Pepperel who tells me 
his Regim 1 is not half compleat, occasion'd by the great Numbers that 
have enlisted for Nova Scotia and Crown point. 


Sir John St. Clair to Robert Napier 


Camp of the Van Guard of the Army at 
the little Meadows, June 13th 1755. 


Since General Braddocks arrival about the 20th of Feb ry I have not 
wrote to you, I delayed it from time to time expecting to be able to give 
you a full account of our Situation: I certainly shou'd have wrote to 
you on the arrival of all our Troops at Wills's Creek, but I was so 
employed about cutting the Roads, that I had not one Moment to 

In my last letter to you I acquainted you that I was to review the 
Independent Companys and to form the Provincial Troops of Vir- 
ginia and Maryland in which Service I was employd till the 24th of 
March, they being scattered all about the Country. On my coming 
that day to Alexandria I found the British Troops disembarked and 
beginning to land their Stores. The 26th General Braddock and Gov- 
ernour Dinwiddie arrived. I left Alexandria the 2 d of April, in order 
to forward the Transport of our Artillery & Stores to Wills's Creek, but 
did not get to the fort till the 16th being obliged to repair old Roads 
and cut new ones, in which I made very great progress considering that 
we had Snow in the Mountains till the 15th of April. The Roads lead- 
ing to the Fort were not cleared till the 1st of May; the next Day the 
first Division of our Troops arrived and the 10th the last Division; the 
first Division of the Artillery the 16th of May & the last the Day 
following: from that Day till the End of the Month, things were pre- 
paring for the march of the whole. 

The Situation I am in at present puts it out of my power to give you 
a full discription of this Country; I shall content myself with telling 
you that from Winchester to this place is one continued track of Moun- 
tains, and like to continue so for fifty Miles further. Tho our Motions 
may appear to you to have been slow, yet I may venture to assure you 
that not an Hour has been lost; considering that no Magistrate in 
Virginia or I believe in Maryland gave themselves the least trouble to 
assist in collecting the Country People to work upon the Roads, and to 
provide us with Carriages: But on the Contrary every body laid them- 
selves out to put what money they cou'd in their Pocketts, without 
forwarding our Expedition. In this Situation we never cou'd have sub- 
sisted our little Army at Wills's Creek, far less carried on our Expedi- 



tion had not General Braddock contracted with the People in Pensyl- 
vania for a Number of Waggons, which they have fullfilled; by their 
Assistance we are in motion, but must move slowly untill we get over 
the Mountains. I cou'd very easily forsee the difficultys we were to 
labour under from having the Communication open only to Virginia, 
which made me Anxious of having a Road cut from Pennsylvania to 
the Yaugheaugany; I wrote to Gov 1 " Morris the 14th of Feb ry on this 
Heau, notwithstanding of which, that Road has not been set about 
till very lately. The last Report that I had of it, was, that it wou'd 
be finished in three Weeks hence; the two Communications will join 
about forty Miles from hence, but it is not fixed on which side of 
the Yaugheogany. 

The little knowledge that our People at home have of carrying on 
War in a Mountaneous Country will make the Expence of our Car- 
riages appear very great to them, that one Article will amount near to 
£"40,000 Stir. 

Thus far I do affirm that no time has been lost in pursuing the 
Scheme laid down in England for our Expedition; had it been under- 
taken at the beginning from Pensylvania it might have been carried 
on with greater Dispatch and less expence: I am not at all surprized 
that we are ignorant of the Situation of this Country in England, 
when no one except a few Hunters knows it on the Spot; and their 
Knowledge extends no further than in following their Game. It is 
certain that the ground is not easy to be reconoitered for one may go 
twenty Miles without seeing before him ten yards. 

The Commanding General pursues his Schemes with a great deal of 
vigour and Vivacity; the Dispositions he makes will be subject to be 
changed in this vast tract of Mountains, I mean instead of marching 
the whole together (the Van Guard excepted) in one Body, he will be 
obliged to march in three Divisions over the Mountains and join about 
the great Meadows, fifty two Miles from the fort. The General is bent 
on marching directly to Fort du Quesne, he is certainly in the right in 
making his Dispositions for it: But it is my opinion he will be obliged 
to make a Halt on the Monagahela or Yaughangany untill he gets up 
a Second Convoy, and untill the Road is open from Pensylvania, which 
the Inhabitants will not finish unless they are covered by our Troops. 

The insert opposite is a reproduction of the luhole of the original draw- 
ing, measuring twenty-six and a half by eighteen and three-quarters inches, 
among the Cumberland Maps in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle. It 
is unsigned, but is perhaps the "sketch" to which Harry Gordon refers in 
his letter of July 23, 7755 (p. 108). 


tion had not General Braddock contracted with the People in Pensyl- 
vania for a Number of Waggons, which they have fullfilled; by their 
Assistance we are in motion, but must move slowly untill we get over 
the Mountains. I cou'd very easily forsee the difficultys we were to 
labour under from having the Communication open only to Virginia, 
which made me Anxious of having a Road cut from Pennsylvania to 
the Yaugheaugany; I wrote to Gov r Morris the 14th of Feb r > on this 
Heau, notwithstanding of which, that Road has not been set about 
till very lately. The last Report that I had of it, was, that it wou'd 
be finished in three Weeks hence; the two Communications will join 
about forty Miles from hence, but it is not fixed on which side of 
the Yaugheogany. 

The little knowledge that our People at home have of carrying on 
War in a Mountaneous Country will make the Expence of our Car- 
riages appear very great to them, that one Article will amount near to 
£40,000 Stir. 

Thus far I do affirm that no time has been lost in pursuing the 
Scheme laid down in England for our Expedition; had it been under- 
taken at the beginning from Pensylvania it might have been carried 
on with greater Dispatch and less expence: I am not at all surprized 
that we are ignorant of the Situation of this Country in England, 
when no one except a few Hunters knows it on the Spot; and their 
Knowledge extends no further than in following their Game. It is 
certain that the ground is not easy to be reconoitered for one may go 
twenty Miles without seeing before him ten yards. 

The Commanding General pursues his Schemes with a great deal of 
vigour and Vivacity; the Dispositions he makes will be subject to be 
changed in this vast tract of Mountains, I mean instead of marching 
the whole together (the Van Guard excepted) in one Body, he will be 
obliged to march in three Divisions over the Mountains and join about 
the great Meadows, fifty two Miles from the fort. The General is bent 
on marching directly to Fort du Quesne, he is certainly in the right in 
making his Dispositions for it: But it is my opinion he will be obliged 
to make a Halt on the Monagahela or Yaughangany untill he gets up 
a Second Convoy, and untill the Road is open from Pensylvania, which 
the Inhabitants will not finish unless they are covered by our Troops. 

The insert opposite is a reproduction of the whole of the original draw- 
ing, measuring twenty-six and a half by eighteen and three-quarters inches, 
among the Cumberland Maps in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle. It 
is unsigned, but is perhaps the "sketch" to ivhich Harry Gordon refers in 
his letter of Jidy 23, 7755 (p. 108). 


I have not as yet talked to the General of this, nor shall I, untill we 
get over the Mountains, for then things may appear in another light, 
and 1 am unwilling to propose any thing which might look like start- 
ing Difficultys. The man hing to the french fort is certainly practicable 
with this present Convoy; but in what light must we appear it we are 
obliged to abandon our Conquests lor want of Sustenance. What was 
looked on at home as easy is our most difficult point to surmount, I 
mean the passage of this vast tract of Mountains; Mad we a Country 
we coud subsist in after we get over them, the thing wou'd be easy. 

I am at this place with 400 Men as a Van Guard, and to cut the 
Roads, I was not able to reach this Ground till the 8th Day, 'tho only 
20 Miles from Wills's Creek, it is certain I might have made more 
dispatch but I was charged with a Convoy of 50 Waggons. The Roads 
are either Rocky or full of Boggs, we are obliged to blow the Rocks 
and lay Bridges every Day; What an happiness it is to have wood at 
hand for the latter! 

One of our Indians who left the french Fort the 8th Inst, tells me 
that there arc only 100 french &; 70 Indians at that place; that they 
were preparing to set out the Day after to dispute the passage of the 
Mountains. I have seen nothing of them as yet, nor do I expect th[at] 
they will come so far from home. They have lately received Six 4 
pounders which they were busy mounting when the Indian came 
away. I shoud be glad to have a Visit from them at this Camp, it is a 
very good one Surrounded with an Abattis. 

1 expect the General with the Army will be at this Camp the 15th 
and that I shall receive his Orders to move on the same Day. I shall 
take care to let you know every thing that happens amongst us which 
I dare say will be to your Satisfaction. I am with the greatest Regard, 
Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant, 

John St. Clair. 
[Endorsed] 1755 Journal from Sir Jn. St. Clair. June 13. Rec d Aug st 29 th . 

Sir Thomas Robinson ' to Edward Braddock 


Whitehall 19 th June 1 7^5. 

I have been favoured with your Letter of the 18 th March, & am in 

1 Sir Thomas Robinson (1695-1770), ambassador at Vienna from 1730 to 1748, one 
of the British plenipotentiaries at Aix-la-Chapelle, was secretary of state for the 
southern department in 1754-1755. 


daily Expectation of receiving from you an Account of what passed at 
the Meeting which You mention in your said Letter was intended to 
be held at Annapolis, but which I find by a Letter from Commodore 
Keppel of the 30 th April, was held at Alexandria. 

The Lords Justices having been pleased to direct, that the several 
Governors of His Majesty's Colonies should apply to you, or to the 
Commander in chief of His Majesty's Forces for the time being, in 
North America, & to no other Person, for such Sums of Money as 
shall be necessary to discharge the Expences that have been or may 
be incurred by Services or Operations performed by them, or under 
their Direction; I inclose to You a Copy of my Circular Letter to the 
Governors upon this Subject; & I am to acquaint You, that as all Bills 
drawn by You, or such Commander in Chief upon the Pay Master 
General of His Majesty's Forces, or his Deputy, & all Warrants issued 
by You in Consequence thereof, will be duly & regularly answered, You 
shouuld be particularly carefull to be fully informed, that every such 
Application is well founded, so that His Majesty's Service may be car- 
ried on in the most frugal Manner. I am &c a 

T: Robinson 

Return of Ordnance by Thomas Ord * 
and James Furnis 2 


Little Bear Camp 18 th July 1755. 

RETURN OF BRASS ORDNANCE howitzers & Cohorn Mortars &c a 
sent from England, Lost in the Action Near Fort Du Quesne and Dis- 
troy'd at the Camp 6 Miles from the Great Meadows by order of Gen- 
eral Braddock with the Remain in North America. 

1 Thomas Ord was a first lieutenant in the Royal Regiment of Artillery in 1741. 
As a captain lieutenant he fought at Fontenoy, and became a captain on March 1, 
1746. He commanded the artillery detachment with Braddock. He became major and 
lieutenant colonel in 1759, when he served with Amherst. In 1762 he commanded the 
artillery company at the siege of Martinique. He was in North America again in 
1776, became colonel commandant on January i, 1777, and four months later died 
at Bath. W. H. Askwith, List of Officers of the Royal Regt. of Artillery (1900). 

2 James Furnis, Commissary of Stores for the Ordnance Board in Braddock 's ex- 
pedition. Some of the difficulty in settling the accounts with the waggoners for which 
Franklin had contracted arose from Furnis's refusal to advance money to them until 
he could be certain how many wagons were reserved for the use of the artillery. 
Minutes of the Ordnance Board, W. O. 47: 47, p. 17. 




Light Brass Ordnance 
Mounted on Travel- 
ling Carriages Com- 
pleat with Limbers 
Ammunition Boxes & 
Elevate Screws 

Brass Howitzers with 1 
Carriages and Lim- y 
bers Compleat J 

Brass Cohorn Mortars ^ 
Mounted on their 
Beds with Lashing 
Ropes Compleat .... J 

Round Shott with 
Wooden Bottoms 

Tin Cases fill'd with 
Iron Shot and fix'd 
with Wooden Bottoms 

12 pounders 

6 pounders 




Spare Round Shott 




Empty Shells for 

Howitzers of 7% Inch 

Ditto for 
Cohorns. .of 475 Inch 

Corn'd powder Copper 
hoop'd for the Guns, 
Howitzers & Small Arms 

12 pounders 
6 pounders 

] 12 pounders 

6 pounders 

: 2 pounders 
6 pounders 


o c: 


x C y c 









Expended 75 
57 1 I 34 











Thomas Ord 

James Furnis 

N.B. A particular Account of the Small Stores & Atterail will be sent as 
soon as the Remain can be taken— 


Captain Robert Orme 1 to Robert Napier 


Fort Cumberland July 18th 1755. 

As I am perswaded the General woud have taken the most early op- 
portunity of informing you of every remarkable event, I take the 
liberty of transmitting to you by the first express an account of the 
unhappy affair which happen'd on the 9th of this Month near the 
Banks of the Monongahela within seven miles of Fort Du Quesne. 

After Marching ab l twenty Miles from this place to a Camp calld the 
little Meadows, the General finding the delay so great from the ex- 
treme line of Baggage and also that it was impossible from the small 
number of Troops he had to make his line of March secure, he de- 
termined to proceed himself with twelve hundred Men, ten pieces 
of Ordinance, Amm n and Provisions proportion'd to the undertaking, 
and left eight hundred Men with the body of the Convoy under the 
Command of Col° Dunbar with orders to move forward as fast as the 
Nature of the Service woud admit; with this Command His Excellency 
marchd with great expedition and safety, and Encamp'd on the 8th of 
this Instant within ten miles of the French Fort. Here the Guides were 
all summons'd and question'd as to the first part of the next days 
March His Excellency having been informd of a very bad and danger- 
ous Defilee called the narrows; upon their report it was judg'd most 
expedient to pass the Monongahela twice at two different Fords which 
were neither of them knee deep, by which measure the narrows were 
to be avoided and a very bad passage of the Turtle Creek. To secure 
the two passages of the River the General order'd the two Grenadier's 

1 Robert Orme, after serving a brief time as ensign in the 34th regiment, became 
in 1745 ensign in the Coldstream Guards, of which regiment Braddock was a field 
officer, and in 1751 lieutenant with the rank of captain. Braddock took him to Vir- 
ginia as an aide-de-camp in 1755. Orme resigned from the army in October, 1756, 
probably in disgrace (Amcr. Hist. Rev., XLI, 267). Soon after he married Etheldreda 
(Audrey), daughter of Charles, third Viscount Townshend (Clutterbuck, Hist, of 
Hertfordshire, II, 316), without the family's consent, says Walpole (Letters, ed. Toyn- 
bee, III, 336, 337n). She died at Hertford in February, 1781, and he is probably the 
Robert Orme of Hertford who died June 17, 1790, at Mr. Bourchier's house in May- 
fair (Gents. Mag., LX [1790], pt. 1, 577). If so, he was the father of Audrey Orme, 
who died in Hertford in January, 1791 (Gents. Mag., LXI [1791], pt. 1, 92); of Frances 
Orme, who married Benjamin Cherry, son of a Hertford alderman, in 1791 (Gents. 
Mag., LXI [1791], pt. 1, 381); and of the Reverend Robert Orme, who was succes- 
sively Rector of Layston, Vicar of All-Saints, Hertford, and from 1790 to 1843 Rector 
of Essenden (Clutterbuck, II, 134, 157; Cussans, Hist, of Hertfordshire, II, 158). This 
Robert Orme, at the time of his admission to Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1778, 
described his father as resident in Bergham, Brabant, the Netherlands (Admissions, 
Trinity Coll., Cambridge). 


Companys as a part of a Detachment which was to be compleated to 
300: Men with two Six pounders under tliL- Command of Lieut. Col 
Gage with proper Guides to March before break of Day making the 
two crossings of the Monongahela, of which the first was a mile dis- 
tance, and to take an advantageous Post at the last, Sir John St. Clair 
with a working party of 200: Men was to follow at Day break, and the 
whole was to March at Six. this Plan was exactly and punctually exe- 
cuted, and the Artilloy, Ammunition, Provisions, Baggage and all the 
Troops had passd the river the second time at one o'clock; as soon as 
the whole was over the General order'd the two Detachments to ad- 
vance, and Sir John St. Clair to proceed in making the Road as usual; 
about half a Mile after the Junction of the two Roads Viz 1 the nar- 
roivs and the River, a heavy and quick Firing was heard in the Front; 
The General beleiving a party of French and Indians had taken post, 
ordered Col° Burton with his Van Guard to reinforce them, and at the 
same time dispos'd the Column in such a manner as to defend it from 
any attack and to disengage more men for action. The French and 
Indians as we found after had possessed the sides and Brow of a Hill 
in a kind of Semicircular form, from the extremes of which, some of 
them fired upon one of our advanced Flank Parties, this immediately 
brought on a general Pannick, the Men coud never be perswaded to 
form regularly, and in great confusion fell back upon the Party which 
Sir John St. Clair commanded, as did Sir John St. Clair's upon Col° 
Burton's, every exhortation entreaty and perswation was used by the 
General and Officers to make them advance or fall back into the line of 
March, examples of all kinds were likewise given by the Genl. and the 
Officers, but the Pannock was so universal and the Firing so executive 
and uncommon that no order coud ever be restor'd, after three hours 
of irregularity, and the waste of all the ammunition, during which 
time allmost all the Officer's were killed or Wounded by advancing 
sometimes in bodys and sometimes separately in order to encourage 
the Men, they left the Field and crossd the River with great precepita- 
tion, abandoning the Artillery, Ammunition, Provision, and Baggage, 
to the Enemy, and their Terror was so great that many of them threw 
aivay their Arms and accoutrements, nor coud they be stopt till they 
had run forty Miles notwithstanding the Enemy pursued no further 
than the River; The General had five Horses shot under him and re- 
ceiv'd a mortal wound in his Lungs, and in this unhappy state was 
very near being left in the Enemys power being deserted by the Men 
and brought off by the assistance of a few Officers who were determined 
not to forsake him; he died of his wound the 13th Instant. An Express 


was immediately sent off to Col° Dunbar with orders to send to us 
Ammunition, Provisions, and Waggons for the Wounded, we were 
then sensible of the good effects of this disposition, for an additional 
wiwdlri of Men cou'd have been of no advantage the Pannick being 
so prevalent, and the want of Provision must have thrown us into the 
hands of the Enemy. 

The Men have bv no means recoverd their fright & are so little 
to be confided in, that Col # Dunbar is mov* to this place where I and 
some other wounded Officers arrivd from Col' Dunbar [sic] the 17th 
Inst, under an Escort- 1 have Inclosed vou Sir the most perfect List that 
coud be got and I know it may be much depended upon. 

I ■■ Sir. Y r most H-- sc most Obed- Serv- 

Robt. Orme. 
I woud have wrote in my own hand but am renderd incapable by the 
wound in my Thigh. 

Captain Robert Orme to Henry Fox ■ 
(00? 1 

[undated] [1755] 

The General the Dav before his Death Order'd Me as soon as I was 
Able to transmitt to You. Sir. An Account of the Unhappy Action 
near the Monongahela about Seven Miles Distance from Fort Duquesne 
on the Ninth of this Month. 

Our Encampment on the Eighth was about ten Miles from the Fort 
and upon Calling all the Guides the General from the Intelligence he 
Could Collect determined" to pass the Monongahela twice in Order 
to Avoid a verv bad and Dangerous Defilee called the Narrows, to 
Secure Our passage Lieut. ColL Gage was Order'd about an hour be- 
fore break of Dav to March with a Detachment of three Hundred Men 
to make the two Crossings and to take post upon Advantageous Ground 
After the last Crossing. S-" John St. Clair with a working party of two 

Fax ----_ -as secretary at war from 1746 to November. 1755. an 
be filled in dose connection with Cumberland, to whom he was intimately 
potitkalrT. He >»■«■«—» secretarv of state for the southern department 
753. went oat when Pin came in in the following year, and 
neral in the Newcastle-Pin coalition of Juh. 1757.' 


Hundred follow d ax Day Break and the whole March'd at Six oCLock 
-Lieut. Coll: Gage at Coirs Detachmem havmg made the 

:•- : :ii-iir v.- r -~:-:\. z i '■ :-J: J"-- C:I-=ir. :: Ar*— l±r ------- 

tion provision and Baggage and the main Body of the Troops abonc 
Or.- ":C. -.-., • -tr. •_!-"•--■.;- -2: M-:::.r: i:.:_: .-_-. : i . i .: --. 
A:m:.::: 'i--* : _r. : >; -- r:-r.-- i.-_ : I" -ir. }■ -- - '.'- '- -■' 
advantageous Hight some of whom fired upon one of their Hank 
parties which immediately Alannd the whole and br ou gh t On a very 
Severe fireing without any Order or Execution. The General imme- 
diately sent forward his Van Guard Uccier the Cocrnand of I a r ret 
ColL Burton to Sustain the two Detachments ami instantly farmed 
the Column in Such a Manner as to Secure it and to be Able to bring 
more Men to Act in Case of Necessity. 

The two Advanced parries gave way and iefl Back Upon Our Van 
which very much disconcerted the Men and that Added to the Man- :: ~z - ':.-.-■ - -,:z :u::t Vri:: _2_-:=-i ■ :zz r-.ii \.\-~ *-.-Jl 
-_;>_ 1 z !--.:< -_-i: il! :.'-: l-~ti:--> '■-.-:■- 1 -. -■ ir. : I 1 : . - : ±-i 
General and Oftkers could Avail nothin g nor could Order ever be 
regaind after fireing away All their Ammunrd:- me) rave Ground 
and left the Artillery Ra^ay foe in the Hands of the Eacmq 

T;.: 'zr-:i. - i - . -.: I -_;-_.-■ :: ;ri: :•-_: : v -. 7 - 
he had five Horses short under him and was at last Mortally Wounded 
: " ~: :h :.z LtL zlzz -:..: :--r :± 

: : .i -: -. - >-.i- :-l^ -..-:-: — Y:_ >_- -- — :.— --.-__- 

of the OAkers deserved the very Honest Cim— ml aim 

: _>." " ..:.:. ir.7. : * . r . i^r* *. . . z. i__ zi\z z it . iri 

[Emdoned] 1755 A Goppy of the Ace- sent to Mr. Fox b^ Cap= - Ocne. Rec* 

- : i- 1:;: - - - m:: : ;— f — 1- : - - :-.? ir..i -- : _. — - 

:-; ;--sr :: y i. -:r — z~ ?L - Z — :■:- ■-:- ~ .— > r:_ r: 

C H. Liaaxz. II. sor-ao* AaseriaE .Am^ok " 

-- Mjssadncects flkiiiril Socket Curffufwm, ad. 9?- YTZ 

■ "."- *':^:^ '■'.''. ■•■—-.- . {-.""-. ,; - ; ; " .'.-."_ :r":r 7 :a 


Sir John St. Clair to Robert Napier 


Fort at Wills's Creek 22 d July 1755. 

I wrote to you a letter of the 12th of June, which I hope you have 
received by this time, that letter gave you an Account of the obstruc- 
tions we was like to meet with on our march on account of Carridges; a 
few days after writeing that letter, General Braddock with the Army 
arrived at the little meadows; about the 17th of June General Brad- 
dock sent for me and told me, he laid down a Scheme of his own for 
marching on, which before that time, had been given to the Brigade 
Major in orders. The Scheme was, that a detachment should be form'd 
of those of the British Battalions, which Came from Ireland and that 
those should march with the artillery together with three Companys 
of the Virginia forces, under the Command of General Braddock, the 
remaining part of the Army under the Command of Colonel Dunbar, 
was to follow with the Great Convoy, this Step I look'd upon to be 
a prelude to marching in divisions, which was the only way we Could 
have brought up our Convoy. 

This strong detachment march'd on and arrived at the Strong Camp 
of the Great-Lick which is Twenty one miles on the other side of 
Yanehagane and Eighty miles from this fort. The Great advantages 
of this strong Ground made me propose to the General, to halt with 
his detachment and bring up Colonel Dunbar with his Convoy; this 
proposal, was rejected with great indignation; we march'd on 'till the 
seventh of July Twenty three miles further, I then objected to our 
marching any longer in that order of march with a Convoy, and pro- 
posed, since this small body must march to the french fort, that we 
should march part of our small numbers and take post before the Fort 
leaving our Convoy to Come up I urged strongly that no General had 
hitherto march'd up at midday to the Gates of the Town he was to 
beseige leading his Convoy and if Genl. Braddock attempted it, he 
must look to the Consequences. 

Tewsday the 8th we march'd to a riseing ground within three quar- 
ters of a mile of the Monaganhela and Encamp'd there. 

Wcnsday the gth Colonel Gage with about 300 men march'd at 


daylight, past and repast the Monaganhela where he took post, the 
Workmen and Covcr'crs immediately follow'd and then the rest of the 
detachment— so that the whole had past by half an hour after Twelve 
o'Clock, being three miles; The reason of passing the Monaganhela 
twice was to avoid the Narrows, which is a road on the bank of the 
River, Commanded by a high hill, which would have taken a days 
work to have made passable. After Colonel Cage and I had pass'd the 
river, we received orders from Cap: Morris Aid du Camp to March 
on; the underwood Continued very thick for about one quarter of a 
mile beyond the Monaganhela then we Came into an open wood free 
from underwood with some gradual riseings, this wood was so open 
that Carridges Could have been drove in any part of it; about a mile 
on the other side of the last Crossing, we began to feel the Enemys 
fire and to hear their Shouts; those who were under my Command 
immediately form'd. On those in my front falling back upon me, I 
ran to the front to see what the matter was, when I received a Shot 
through the body. I then return'd to my own people, posted Cap: 
Poisons Company of Artificers and Cap: Periwees Company of Rang- 
ers to Cover my two Cannon. I then went up to General Braddock 
who was then at the head of his own Guns and beg'd of him for God- 
Sake to gain the riseing ground on our Right to prevent our being 
Totally Surrounded. I know no further of this unlucky affair to my 
knowledge being afterwards insensible. It will be needless for me to 
give you any account by hear-say. Our affairs are as bad here as bad 
Can make them, with regard to my self in particular, I was fully re- 
solved, if we had met with Success to desire leave to have been recalld, 
finding I could be of little use being never listen'd to: but as our affairs 
stand at present it is a thing I shall not think of and should be glad 
of haveing another opportunity of makeing use of the knowledge I 
have of the Country and its inhabitants; by the time I shall have your 
answer, I hope to be in a Condition of doing my duty therefore should 
be glad you would point it out to me whether its to be here or in New 
England under General Shirrly. 

I am with the greatest respect Sir, your most obedient and most 
obliged humble Servant. 

John St Clair. 

[Endorsed] 1755 S r John St. Clair July 22. Rec d Oct 3 d . 


Journal of Proceedings from Willes's Creek to 
the Monongahela: Harry Gordon 1 to ? 


Wills's Creek, 23rd of July 1755 


I have not troubl'd you hitherto with any Letters, altho' when I took 
my Leave at London I Receiv'd your Commands to write you the most 
Remarkable Occurrences of our Expedition. 

I shall now trouble you with a short Journal of our March & pro- 
ceedings, from this place to Beyond the Last Crossing of the Monan- 
gahela, where we were unfortunately Defeated. 

On the 11th of June we March'd from this fort with such a train 
of provision & Amunition Waggons, that the first days March Con- 
vinc'd us that it was impossible to Get on with so many Carriages so 
heavily Loaded. The General Diminish'd the Carriadges By putting 
the greatest part of the provisions on Pack horses, & sending Back two 
of the 6 pounders with their Amunition; in this Reformation we 
March'd as far as the Little Meadows, which are only Distant 15 miles 

1 Harry Gordon, son of George Gordon of Knockespock, Clatt, Aberdeenshire, 
joined the Royal Engineers in 1742, served in Flanders in 1745 and again in 1747 
and 1748 under Cumberland. In 1754 Cumberland particularly recommended him 
to Braddock as a good man for laying out and supervising road construction (Scot- 
tish Notes & Queries, 3d ser., XI, 67). Gordon served throughout the war, attaining 
the rank of captain, with a company in the 60th regiment, and distinguishing him- 
self at the siege of Havana in 1762. He was sent out to North America again in 
1764 and explored the West (his journal is printed in Alvord and Carter, The New 
Regime, p. 290). From 1767 to 1773 he was chief engineer in the ceded islands, as 
well as proprietor of an estate in Grenada which came into his possession on his 
brother Peter's (Patrick's?) death in 1768. During the campaign of 1776 he served 
as chief engineer in Canada, but resigned over a question of rank. In 1783 he went 
out to the Leeward Islands as chief engineer. On his way home, in 1787, he died at 
Eastbourne. He married Hannah Meredith of Philadelphia, and had four sons. (C. 
O. Skelton and J. M. Bulloch, Gordons under Arms, pp. 136-138, being Volume III 
of the House of Gordon in the New Spaulding Club Publications; Scottish Notes ir 
Queries, 3d ser.. Ill, 209-210.) 

"Archer Butler Hulbert, in Braddock's Road and Three Relative Papers, Volume 
IV of Historic Highways of America (1903), Chapter IV, printed the original version 
of the "Seaman's Journal" which in an expanded form is printed in Sargent, History 
of the Expedition against Fort Duquesne. Hulbert argues that the latter version was 
written by Harry Gordon from the original. The author of the original was cer- 
tainly that midshipman who went into the hospital at Wills Creek on June 9 and 
did not rejoin the expedition. It is possible that Gordon may have copied and ex- 
panded the original; it is more probable that he furnished some of the entries found 
in both. But only up to the time that the midshipman was taken ill; the narrative 
of the battle in both versions needs only to be compared with this vivid letter of 
Gordon's to show that it was not the account of an eye-witness, but was pieced to- 
gether from various accounts, including perhaps that of Gordon himself, after the 
army's return to Wills Creek. 


from our first Camp, yet took us five Days to Oct up all our Carriages, 
the Roads Being steep & the horses very weak. 

At the Little Meadows the General order'd another Reform, which 
Recluc'd us to a Pick'd Body of Eleven hundred men & officers; our 
Carriadges consisted of two 6 pounders, four 12 pounders, four How- 
its's, 3 Cowhorns, & 75 Rounds of Amunition, 3 or 4 provision Wag- 
gons, which made our whole train of Carriadges three or four & thirty. 
We Left the Little Meadows the 19th of June with a Resolution of 
pushing on Directly to fort Du Quesne, & to leave Coll: Dunbar with 
the rest of our Army & Carriadges to Get up in the Best Manner he 
cou'd. We Came on Extreamly well, Considering the Difficulty of mak- 
ing the roads, which was so Great, that Altho' Every one us'd their 
Utmost Endeavor & only halted four Days on the Road, it was the 8th 
of July Before we Cou'd Get within 10 miles of the french fort. 

on the 8th we Cross'd the Long Run which was a small Rivulet that 
runs in to the Monongahela about 12 miles from the F: fort. We were 
Oblig'd to Cross it many times in the Space of two Miles, in which 
Distance we came along a Narrow Valley At the widest a Quarter of 
a Mile, very much Commanded on Both Sides By Steep hills. In this 
March Every proper precaution was taken to secure us, By Detaching 
all the men that cou'd Be Spar'd from the Advancd party, that day 
Commanded By C: Burton on our flank the General Likewise orderd 
350 men to take possession of the heights on Each Side; & the Grenadier 
Company of Sir P: H[alket's] Reg 1 , the Advance of the Advanc'd party, 
to Gain the Rising Ground, which Shut up the Valley in our front. 
No Enemy appear'd, & we Encamp'd on the last Mention'd Rising 
Ground, which Brought us within a Small Mile of the River Monon- 

in our Next Days March we must Either Go along the Narrows, a 
very Difficult pass, on the Right Side Entirely Commanded By high 
ground & on the Left hemm'd in By the Monongahela; A Small Con- 
sultation was held, & it was carryied to Cross the Monongahela at the 
Nearer End of the Narrows, to keep along the South Side, & to Cross 
it again Below where turtle Creek runs in, & without the Narrows; 
As there was Danger Imagin'd, the 2 Comp> s of Grenadiers with 150 
men of the two Rcg ts Commanded By Coll: Gage were Order's to 
March By 2 o'Clock of the Morning of the 9th to take possession of 
the Banks of the second Crossing of the River; two of the light 6 
pounders were sent along with this party; the rest of our Little Army 
March'd at four, Cross'd peaceably, & Came up with Coll: Gage about 
Eleven o'Clock in peaceable possession of the furthest Banks of the 


Last Crossing. Every one who saw these Banks, Being Above 12 feet 
perpendicularly high Above the Shore, & the Course of the River 300 
yards Broad, hugg'd themselves with joy at our Good Luck in having 
surmounted our greatest Difficultys, & too hastily Concluded the 
Enemy never wou'd dare to Oppose us. 

In an hour which Brought the time about Noon, the Bank was slop'd 
& passable for Artillery & Carriadges; Coll: Gage with the same Ad- 
vanc'd party was ordered to [sic] forward; the covering party of the 
Carpenters & Pioneers followed immediately in his Rear, after them 
then came two 6 pounders, their Amunition Waggon, & a Guard in 
their Rear, after them follow'd the Main Body in their Usual Order 
of March with a strengthen'd Rear Guard of 100 men. th i s Ord e r of - 
March was in My Opinion the [sic] 

The flank partys of the Advance & Main Body were No Stronger 
than Usual & Coll: Gage's party march'd By files four Deep our front 
had not Got above half a Mile from the Banks of the River, when the 
Guides which were all the Scouts we had, & who were Before only 
about 200 yards Came Back, & told a Considerable Body of the Enemy, 
Mostly Indians were at hand, I was then just rode up in Search of 
these Guides, had Got Before the Grenadiers, had an Opportunity of 
viewing the Enemy, & was Confirm'd By the Report of the Guides & 
what I saw myself that their whole Numbers did Not Exceed 300. 

As soon as the Enemys Indians perceiv'd our Grenadiers, they Di- 
vided themselves &: Run along our right & Left flanks. The Advanc'd 
party Coll: Gage order'd to form, which Most of them Did with the 
front Rank upon the Ground & Begun firing, which they continued 
for several Minutes, Altho' the Indians very soon Dispers'd Before 
their front & fell upon the flank partys, which only consisted of an 
officer & 20 men, who were very soon Cut off. The Indians Making 
their Appearance upon the Rising Ground, on our Right, occasion'd 
an Order for Retiring the Advanc'd Body 50 or 60 paces, there they 
confusedly form'd again, & a Good many of their Officers were kill'd 
& wounded By the Indians, who had got possession of the Rising 
Ground on the Right. There was an Alarum at this time that the 
Enemy were attacking the Baggage in the Rear, which Occasion'd a 
second Retreat of the Advanc'd party; they had not Retir'd But a few 
paces when they were join'd By the rest of the troops, Coming up in 
the greatest Confusion, 8; Nothing afterwards was to Be Seen Amongst 
the Men But Confusion & Panick. They form'd Altogether, the Ad- 
vanced & Main Body in Most places from 12 to 20 Deep; the Ground 
on which they then were, was 300 yards Behind where the Grenadiers 


& Advanc'd party first form'tl. The General Order'd the officers to En- 
deavor to tell off 150 men, & Advance up the hill to Dispossess the 
Enemy, & another party to Advance on the Left to support the two 12 
pounders & Artillery people, who were in great Danger of Being Drove 
away By the Enemy, at that time in possession of the 2 field pieces of 
the Advanc'd party. This was the Generals Last Order; he had had Be- 
fore this time 4 horses killed under him, & now Receiv'd his Mortal 
wound. All the Officers us'd their Utmost Endeavors to Get the men 
to Advance up the hill, & to Advance on the left to support the Can- 
non. But the Enemy's fire at that time very much Encreasing, & a 
Number of officers who were Rushing on in the front to Encourage 
the men Being killed &: wounded, there was Nothing to Be seen But 
the Utmost panick & Confusion amongst the Men; yet those officers 
who had Been wounded having Return'd, & those that were not 
Wounded, By Exhorting & threatning had influence to keep a Body 
about 200 an hour Longer in the field, but cou'd not perswade them 
Either to Attempt the hill again, or Advance far Enough to support 
the Cannon, whose officers & men were Mostly kill'd & wounded. The 
Cannon silenc'd, & the Indian's shouts upon the Right Advancing, the 
whole Body gave way, & Cross'd the Monongahela where we had pass'd 
in the Morning, with great Difficulty the General & his Aid de Camps 
who were Both wounded were taken out of a Waggon, &: hurryed along 
across the River; Coll: Burton tho' very much Wounded attempted to 
Rally on the Other Side, & made a Speach to the Men to Beg them to 
get into some Order, But Nothing would Do, & we found that Every 
man wou'd Desert us; therefore we were oblig'd to go along; we 
march'd all night, & never halted till we Came to Guests's which was 
near 60 Miles from the place of the Action, we halted that night there, 
& next Day join'd Coll: Dunbar's party which was 6 miles further. 

Thus Sir I have sent you an Account of those transactions Entirely 
consisting with my own Certain knowledge. I never was a Critick, 
therefore leaves it to you to make what Remarks you see proper, As 
you are a Much Better Judge in these Matters than I shall Ever pre- 
tend to Be. only One thing cannot Escape me, which is, that had our 
March Been Executed in the same manner the 9th as it was the 8th, I 
shou'd have stood a fair Chance of writing from fort Du Quesne, in- 
stead of Being in the hospital at Wills's Creek. 

I am a Good Deal hurt in the Right Arm, having Receiv'd a Shot 
which went thro', & shatter'd the Bone, half way Between the Elbow 
& the wrist; this I had Early, & altho' I felt a Good deal of pain, yet I 
was too Anxious to allow myself to Quit the field; at the last my horse 


having Receiv'd three shots, I had hardly time to shift the Sadie on 
another without the Bridle, when the whole gave way. The passage 
that was made thro the Bank in the Morning, I found Choack'd up; I 
was oblig'd to tumble over the high Bank, which Luckily Being of 
Sand, part of it fell along with me, which kept my horse upon his 
feet, & I fortunately kept his Back. Before I had got 40 yards in the 
River, I turn'd about on hearing the Indians Yell, & Saw them Tomo- 
hocking some of our women & wounded people, others of them fir'd 
very Briskly on those that were then Crossing, at which time I Re- 
ceiv'd Another Shot thro' the Right Shoulder. But the horse I Rode 
Escaping, I got across the River, & soon came up with the General, 
Coll: Burton, & the rest of the officers & men that were along with 
them, & Continued along with them in the Utmost pain, my wounds 
not having Been Dress'd untill I came to Guests's. 

On the Road I propos'd fortifying a Camp at Licking Creek 10 
miles to the Westward of the Crossing of the Yohiogany, a very ad- 
vantagious Situation, & which Cover'd the Richest part of the Country 
which Lyes Betwixt Guest's & that, or at least I imagin'd we might 
have Been join'd By Coll: Dunbar's party at Guest's, where a Good 
Camp might Easily Been had, which fortified with two or three Re- 
doubts in front cou'd have Been defended By our Numbers (above 
1000 fitt for Duty) against any force our Enemys cou'd Bring against us. 
Instead of all this Nothing wou'd Do, But Retiring, k Destroying 
immense Quantitys of Amunition & Stores, with which Last all our 
Instruments & Stationary wares shar'd the fate. 

Here we are at present, But the talk is of going into Pensilvania, & 
No talk of putting this fort or the frontiers of this Country in any 
posture of Defence; as it is at present, 3 pieces of 6 pound Cannon, with 
the Advantage the Ground wou'd Naturally give them, cou'd knock 
the fort to pieces, & nothing after we are gone cou'd hinder 150 french 
Indians from Ravaging to Alexandria. 

I have tir'd My Secretary, & I'm afraid you'll think me too prolix, 
But I cou'd not help it, 8c indeed it was my intention, to Lay Before 
you our Proceedings, & the Situation of Affairs in this Country. Had I 
had the Use of my Drawing hand, I woud have sent you a Sketch of 
the field of Action, & some other Principal Crossings of the Rivers on 
our March. I hope soon to Be Able to Lay these things Before you, & 
will take the opportunity of Describing the Country which we pass'd 
at the same time; This is all hopes, as Nothing certain is determin'd 
with Regard to the Lower wound of my Arm, at present I conclude 


with my best wishes for your health, & always shall Be with the greatest 
Respect, Sir, your most obligd & obed 1 Humble Serv 1 

Harry Gordon. 
A left hand Subscription 
Wills's Creek 
23 d of July 1755 

P.S. I shoud Be Extreamly oblig'd to you if you woud Be kind Enough 
to Remind H:R:H of my former petition for a Commission in some 
Reg u . I have Reason to Believe that had General Braddock Liv'd I 
shou'd have Been provided for in some of the Reg ts here, 
to Be Copied for Coll: Napier. 

[Endorsed] 1755 Mr. Gordon, Engineer. (Sent by his Brother,- Oct. 3 d . 

Colonel Thomas Dunbar 1 to Robert Napier 


Fort Cumberland July the 24th 1755. 

The Army under General Braddock proceeding to Fort Duquesne 
halted at the little Meadows, on the 17th of June there was Orders for 
a Detachment of About twelve hundred of the best Troops to March, 
part Under Coll: Gage to March the 18th and the rest the 19th. the 
Officers for this Detachment were All Named, this was the first S r 
Peter Halkett or I knew of this design, the Generall March'd with 
them leaving Me with the remains of the Army to bring Up About One 
hundred And fifty Waggons and near three hundred Horse load of 
bread flower and Bacon, telling Me he never would be more than a 
days March before Me, so that in Case of Necessity we might joyn in 
two or three hours, that this was then his Intention is plain for his 
Orders to Me was to fire A Gun (a Six pounder) if I wanted his Assist- 
ance and if he wanted Mine he was to do the Same but if he fired two 
or More I was to Join him with all the force I had and leave the 

- Probably James Gordon of Argyll Street. 

1 Thomas Dunbar, after thirty years in the army, most of them in the 18th 
(Royal Irish) regiment of which he became lieutenant colonel, was made colonel of 
the 48th in 1752. After his misguided retreat following Braddock's disaster, he was 
recalled, resigned his regiment, and became lieutenant governor of Gibraltar. He 
became major general in 1758 and lieutenant general in 1760 and died in 1767. 


As soon As he Marched I sent for the Waggon Masters and Commis- 
sarys to lett Me know the Number of Horses could be furnish'd with 
Waggons and back loads, and the Quantity of provisions to be taken 
As Also the Number of Carriages the Artillery would want, when 
these returns were brought I was told the General had Ordered Six of 
the Best Horses to be put to each of the Carriages that went with him 
and many Spare Horses in Case of Accidents As Also the Ablest Horses 
for back loads, and what remain'd would Only furnish two thirds of 
the Waggons with four each and for back loads there remained of very 
bad as many as would take About One half of the provissions. 

As soon As I knew this I wrote to the General leting him know the 
Condition I was in to Execute his Orders, his Answer Express'd Anger 
saying I knew he could not help Me but that Expedients must be Used 
to bring All Away. 

I March'd according to his Orders and took with Me all I could and 
On My Arrival where I was to halt that night I Ordered All the Horses 
back to bring Up what was left behind under the Care of a party, the 
rear division of Waggons did not Arrive untill very late the next Eve- 
ning the Horses being very bad and Weak, the next day I was Advised 
to halt for the Horses were So Work'd they would Not be Able to 
travile, in this Manner I was Obliged to proceed sometimes 6 or 7 
Miles in three days and sometimes four. 

I again and Again Sett forth My Scituation to him he Once told Me 
he sent Me a Waggon and Eleven Horses the first I saw and such as 
could be of little Service, Again he wrote Me he sent me forty Horses 
tho' unloaded there was but Sixteen could Come they were so wore 
down, in One Letter I told him it was Impossible I could gett Up with 
him Unless his Goodness would, halt and send Me his Horses to help 
Me but he did not but proceeded, Some time before the Action He 
called a Council of Warr when it was proposed takeing possession of 
some strong Camp and halting untill I Joyn'd but it was rejected and 
He Continued Marching untill the Ninth Instant when they fell into 
the Unhappy Trap at which time I was About fifty Miles from them 
the next Morning by five o'Clock I had the Account by a follower of 
the Army that was in the Engagement and in a few hours Another 
Arrived and About One o'Clock S r John St. Clair who saw the whole, 
the next day in the Evening the General Arrived the Eleventh the 12th 
We remained in the same Ground which time was Imployed in de- 
stroying provisions Ordnance Ammunition &c. by the Generals Orders, 
by this Evening great Numbers of Wounded Officers and Soldiers Ar- 
rived and many More that were not. On the 13th We March'd and that 


day he resign'd the Command to Mo After we had gott About a Mile 
from Our Ground, soon After we gott into our ground for that Eve- 
ning where he died and I proceeded to this as was his intention and 
brought all the Wounded With Me. here wee have fixed a General 
Hospital and I purpose leaving some of the Independants and provin- 
cial Troops to protect them and proceed with the remains of the two 
Regiments to Philadelphia for Winter Quarters which Gapt. Orme tells 
Me they were all lost, so that I am left to do as I think best, And hope 
I shall Act as Will be agreeable to All I am Accountable to I have 
wrote to General Shirly and desired his instructions for My future 

As I was not in the Action I can Only send You such An Account 
as I could gett and believe what I send which I had from Gapt. Orme 
is the same Sent before I could dispatch One. 

The Officers by All Accounts behaved As Well as Men could and 
the Soldiers dont seem to think they deserve all that is Said, that they 
fought an invisible Enemy is by All Accounts Certain for I have heard 
many say both Officers and Soldiers they did not see One of the Enemy 
the whole day tho A Warm Constant fire in the front and on both 
flanks Col° Gage who was in the front and first Attacked declares he 
does not know he saw One of the Enemy the whole time this Manner 
of fighting confounded the people; they saw and heard fireing and the 
fatal consequences but few saw an Enemy, that for the Number better 
could not be found. Many of them had been often tryed and proved 
themselves so; I am perswaded there is many Accounts of this Affair 
sent home and that All will not Agree. 

This Climate by no means Agrees with My time of Life and bad 
Constitution, I was willing to try and hoped I should be Able to go 
through all that came in My Way, but find it otherwise, therefore beg 
Your Interest to gett Me leave to go home; was I as Able as I am Will- 
ing I Assure You I would Gladly Stay. 

I have dispatch'd an Indian with a Letter desiring to know what 
Officers of Ours are prisoners untill I have an Answer to that, Cannot 
be Certain who is Kill'd, I am, Dear Sir, Your most humble and 
Obedient Servant, 

Tho Dunbar. 

[Endorsed] 1755 Col Dunbar F. Cumberland July 24 Rec d Oct 3 d . 


Anonymous Letter on Braddock's Campaign l 


Wills's Creek 25th July 1755. 

When every body's expectation was rased to the highest pitch, Con- 
cerning the expidition under the Command of General Braddock in 
America, those who were under his Command, and gave attention to 
his proceeding, forsaw, what must happen (if any opposition should be 
made by the Enemy) from the measures taken, and was sorry, so good 
natured a man should be so much misled by a favourite, or two, who, 
realy had not much experience and were very ignorant of the detail of 
an Army, how much depend on the Oeconemy [Economy] and Just 
regulation of every Branch; therefore I presume to lay before you the 
following remarks, as well as facts, which Can be attested by many, 
in doing which, I have endeavour'd to advance nothing but what Con- 
sists with my own knowledge, or that of the best Authority; neither 
have I attempted to give any reason for our bad Success to any other 
person in Europe, as it would not only be great presumption, but like- 
wise improper; notwithstanding, I shall always think it my Duty to 
lay before you every Truth, Consisting with my own knowledge, espe- 
cially things of so much importance to his Majesty and to the Publick, 
therefore shall make no other Apology for this long narration which 
I beg your patience to read as something may be mention'd which is 
overlook'd in other accounts; I know pains have been taken by some 
(who were deeply Concern'd) to dress up an Account to excuse their 
own folly, presumption and manifest ill Conduct: but in Spite of every 
Gloss Truth will remain and the more the operation of this Expedition 
is inquired into and the Conduct from the time of devideing the Army 
to the fatal 9th of July and for three days after things will appear the 
worse and most deserveing the severest Censure. 

About the 18th of June General Braddock march'd from the Little 
Meadows with a detachmen[t] of above 1200 men besides officers as 
will appear by the inclosed return exclusive of Bat-men Waggoners 

1 There is no endorsement or hint of the authorship of this violent letter, an 
example of the backbiting that was practised in the British army before Cumberland 
became captain general. The handwriting is the same as the scribe's who wrote 
St. Clair's letter (p. 102). The author was obviously an officer of sufficient rank to 
learn Dunbar's and Halkett's secrets, provided his comments are taken at face value; 
he is exact when mentioning provisions, transport, and such matters as fall within 
a quartermaster's province. It is possible that he may have been Captain Gabriel 
Christie, who assisted St. Clair on this expedition and had his strong support. Christie 
became deputy quartermaster general, a general in the army, and proprietor of 
Isle aux Noix in the Richelieu River. 


and other followers of an Army— he took with him the best part of the 
Artillery tho' the Amunition was not more than make one days fireing 
if there had been occasion again[st] a fort. Also fifty Waggons loaded 
with different things, to each of which he had six of the best horses— 
and 400 more horses with back loads of flower &c. and about 100 spare 
horses-after which he had a supply sent him of one hundred loads of 
flow'r— upwards of 100 fine fat Oxen and a number of sheep which all 
joind the day before the action, Consequently fell into the hands of 
the french. 

After all this was lix"d he left Colonel Dunbar with the remainder of 
the Army to bring 357 Waggons after him, besides 200 back loads and 
horses only for 100; the Weakest and worst of the horses were left with 
C. Dunbar and the proportion run to be Just Three Waggons to one 
sett of bad horses— partly oweing to the number of spare ones the Gen- 
eral had taken as before mention'd— so you may Judge of the slowness 
of Col. Dunbars motions marching a little way one day with one sett, 
then sending Back for another sett K:c. therefore every days march (as 
to distance) took up three days dureing which time neither man nor 
beast had any rest and the latter no meat but the leaves of Trees— this 
way of going on together with the Gen ls hurry from the little Meadows 
brought Colonel Dunbar to be near fifty miles in the Gen ls , rear on 
the day of action. To give you an acco 1 of which that will intirely agree 
with every other, is almost impossible, as most officers, as well as men, 
differ, in Triffleing Circumstances and even in a few material ones 
—however the Conducting of the Whole from the beginning might 
have been retrieved had not a final Issue been put to all by what 
happen'd last. 

On the 9th of July Lt Col. Gage Commanded two Companys of 
Grs [Grenadiers] which was by way of an advance Guard 2 to the main 
body under the General as well as for Covering a working party then 
Cuting the Road under S r Jo: St. Clair's dirrection about two o'Clock 
that day, after Crossing the River Call'd Monanganhely where a 
Plantation of one fraser had been and within six or seven miles of 
the french fort Call'd du Queesny (or Kane) and within 3 quarters of 
mile of the Crossing at frasers house— on the Fort Side of Turtle-Creek 
—The advance Party was attack'd rather from a riseing ground by a 
party of Indians and french in Indian dress. The Number of the Enemy 
by those who makes the largest allowance did not appear to be above 

- The advance party was larger than this. It had 300 men, including the grenadier 
company, a detachment from the 44th regiment, and half of Horatio Gates's New 
York independent company. 

ii 4 


The two maps on the following pages are photographic reproductions of 
the essential portions of one set of the originals, signed by Patrick Mackellar, 
the engineer en second on Braddock's expedition, in the collection of Cumber- 
land Maps in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle. There is a similar set in 
the Public Record Office. The originals measure 14 by 7 inches, on a scale of 
300 yards to an inch. The reproductions are reduced to a scale of jyj yards 
to an inch. 

No. 1 

A Sketch of the Field of Battle of the 9 th July upon the Monongahela, seven 
miles from Fort du Quesne, between the British Troops commanded by Gen- 
eral Braddock and the French & French Indians commanded by Mons r de 
St Pierre, shewing the Disposition of the Troops when the Action began. 


ID British Troops, the long Lines express the Number 
of Files. O French and Indians. •+• Cannon. *-rH Howitzers. 
6 Waggons, Carts and Tumbrils. H Provision and Baggage 

r French and Indians upon their 
J march to attack the British, 
1 when first discover'd by the 

[ Guides 

Guides and six light Horse 
Van-Guard of the advanced Party 
Advanced Party commanded by 

Co 1 Gage 
Working Party commanded by S r 

J* St Clair D.Q.M.G. 
Two six pounder Field Pieces 
Carts &: Waggons w* Ammunition 

& Tools 
Rear Guard of the Advanced Party 
Light Horse 
Sailors and Pioneers 

1, Three 12 pounder Field Pieces 

n, General's Guard, Foot & Horse 

Main Body in Divisions upon 
the Flanks of the Convoy, w l 
the Cattle, Provision & Bag- 
gage Horse between them & the 

3, a 12 pounder Field P s in the rear 
of the Convoy 

p, Rear-Guard 

q, Flank-Guards 

r, a Hollow Way 

C a Hill which the Indians took 

s, 4 possession of soon after the be- 
I ginning of the Action 

t, Frazer's House 


in the Field 



Gen 1 Braddock Officers Staff included 

Sergeants Corporals 1 

& private Men J 








Mons r de S l Pierre French 






N B The Number of the French & Indians is not yet certain 


>; *•-?/••::-< 


1 tf 






• \ 



*** .*. 

x , 



Three hundred and others dont scruple to say did not exceed one 
hundred. The first fire of the Enemy was on the left of the advance 
Guard which Gradual) Came to the front and extended to their Right 
something like a half moon, which kill'd about 10 or Twelve Grena- 
deers— this alarm'd them a little and they return'd the fire, notwith- 
standing they did not see the Enemy— which was return'd tho not in a 
regular manner, but like Poping shots, with little explosion, only a 
kind of Whiszing noise; (which is a proof the Enemys Arms were riffle 
Barrels) this kind of fire was attended with Considerable execution, 
which soon put the Grenadeers in some disorder and on the Continu- 
ance of the Enemys fire the advance Guard was repuls'd but were 
suported by the Working party in their Rear, which afterwards Joind 
in the disorder; dureing which time, General Braddock was with the 
main body about a Quarter of a mile in their Rear— upon the alarm 
of the advance fire, the General immediately rode to the front and his 
aid-du-camps after him, some officers after them, and more men with- 
out any form or order but that of a parcell of school boys Coming 
out of s[c]hool— and in an instant, Blue, buff and yellow were inter- 

No. 2 

A Sketch of the Field of Battle &c, shewing the Disposition of the Troops 
about 2 a Clock when the whole of the main Body had joined the advanced and 
Working Partys, then beat back from the Ground they occupied as in Plan N° 1. 


a, The French and Indians skulking behind Trees round the Brittish 

f, The two Field Pieces of the advanced Party now abandoned 

c, d, e, h, i, k, m, n, q, The whole Body of the British joined, with little or 

no order, but endeavouring to make Fronts towards the Enemys Fire 
1, the three 12 pounder Field Pieces of the main Body 
o, The rear Field Piece. 12 pounder 

f The Rear Guard divided (round the rear of the Convoy, now closed up) 
' I behind Trees having been attacked by a few Indians 

N.B. The Disposition on both sides, continued about two hours nearly as 
here represented, the British endeavouring to recover the Guns (f) and to gain 
the Hill (s) to no purpose. It was proposed to take possession of this Hill be- 
fore the Indians did, but unhappily it was neglected. The British were at 
length beat from the Guns (1). The General was wounded soon after. They 
were lastly beat back accross the Hollow way (r) and made no farther Stand. 
All the Artillery, Ammunition, Provision & Baggage were left in the Enemys 
Hands, and the General was with difficulty carryed off. The whole Action con- 
tinued about three hours and a half. The Retreat was full of Confusion, but 
after a few Miles, there was a Body got to rally. 


mix'd. Soon after an order was given to the main body to move on 
(that is, those who keep'd at their post) without any form or order, but 
that of the line of march which is four deep faced to the Right or left 
as occasion might be, with an intention to separate on each side of the 
road to march Two deep according to his original plan of march a 
Copey of which / send you inclosed (before I proceed I have only one 
obvious observation to make on the line of march— which as I before 
said is 4 deep, instead of three the Usual way— which marches by files 
—only divides on each side of the line of Waggons, baggage &c. in the 
Center. Consequently their is a file of two deep on each side of the 
Waggons on the march but what I'm going to observe, is, that when 
the Battalion is Compleated (always four deep) the officers are all 
posted to the front half files (if I may be allow'd the expression) at 
their respective posts where they were order'd to remain— therefore 
when the Battalion is faced to the right by files 4 deep— the officers are 
all on the left flank— if to the left the Contrary— Consequently they're 
always upon one side— therefore when ever you Come to devide on the 
Center on each side of the Waggons and have occasion to form the 
line— the officers are every one to one Wing— without a single officer 
to the other, this was a Constant practise with us notwithstanding of 
the most evident absurdity) but to proceed— one officer, indeed says, he 
had orders from an aid du camp to double his front, instead of four, 
to march eight in front, as if one was going to attack a breach— how- 
ever I beleive it was meant only to keep the line of march, in which 
order the main body moved, without the least dirrection to officer or 
man but "March on my lads and keep up your fire["] when he Came 
up with the repuls'd party after passing with difficulty the line of Wag- 
gons, Baggage, Cattle &c. in their front together with the Artillery, all 
which occupy'd the space between the main body And the advance or 
van Guard * or Party whos[e] Confusion had some effect on them and 
occasion'd their throwing away their fire without seeing the Enemy, 
which was return'd by them in the manner before describ'd with some 
execution: but our own fire did much more, however both together 
Contributed not a little to a general disorder; after which, The Gen- 
eral would have Changed his disposition (or more properly made one) 
but the Men were then turn'd stupid and insensible and would not 
obey their officers in makeing the intended movements which were 
unhappily too late attempted. The officers behaved extremely well as 
possibly Could be, which fact is strengthen'd by the number of kill'd 

1 "There were no other van Guard to the Army hut Co. Gage's party tho the 
contrary has heen said in some Accots. sent home." [Marginal note.] 


and Wounded— tho' I*m sorry to say the men arc accused of misbe- 
haviour, notwithstanding of the number of kill'd and wounded among 
them, which is Great, Considering the number of Effectives in the 
field: but I Can't help thinking their misbehaviour is exaggerated, in 
order to palliate the Blunders made by those in the dirrection, as they 
make no allowance for regular Troops being surprised, as was mani- 
festly the Case here, and no manner of disposition made— but one of 
Certain destruction— in these Circumstances it has general) I beleive 
been the Case— misbehaviour, its the general opinion more were kill'd 
by our own Troops than by the Enemy particularly C. Tatton— by the 
Grenadiers. The Rear Guard (tho' only a Caps. Command) did more 
execution than the whole, among the Enemy, as the officer had time to 
recolect himself Consequently made a dispossition and extended his 
Guard in advantageous posts behind trees by which he both repuls'd 
and kill'd a great number. The Ground was extraordinary good when 
Compared to the rest of the Country. The Trees were high very open 
and little or no underwood— nor Can any reason be given why they 
allow'd us to Cross the Monanganhela % of a mile from the Attack- 
where the banks were vastly high and the most advantageous post for 
them they possibly Could have, except it was, to lull us in Security, 
that we had no Enemy, which was too generaly beleived, on the whole 
march, and that the Fort would be found abandon 'd; there was noth- 
ing of Entrenchments— Swivvel-Guns &c. &:c. as some officers and several 
men affirm— which from the best information has no foundation but 
in their own Brain. Scarce an officer or soldier Can say they ever saw 
at one time six of the Enemy and the greatest part never saw a Single 
man of the Enemy.— Col. Gage who Commanded the advance party and 
distinguish'd himself by Encouraging the men as much as he Could 
and after they were broke, in rallying them, says, were he put to his 
oath he Could not say he saw above one french or Indian dureing the 
action— he had several narrow escapes by shots through both hat & 
Coat and one which Grased on his belly but did not break the skin, 
there were a few french and some Indians the french mostly in the 
Indian dress notwithstanding] several were seen in the french uniform 
—particularly by some who were left in the field of Battle and Crawl'd 
off afterwards, saw the french take possession of our Guns and over 
sett some from the Carridges, likewise over turn some of the Waggons, 
which they scarce would have done had they expected to keep the 
field; another Circumstance to prove they were not strong of Indians 
and that they doubted likewise of Success, is, that they never begin 
scalping, if sure of victory 'till all is over; on the other hand, if the 


affair is doubtful or if they're sure of being beat they begin scalping 
when ever opportunity offers, as soon as they've kill'd their Man— in 
this late affair, they scalp'd some very early. I dont apprehend they 
knew the General was there with the main body, at first— besides they 
knew very well Col. Dunbar with a strong body was behind him, but 
they never beleived so much as fifty miles— which even few or none of 
our own officers knew or imagin'd except the General himself and his 
people, as he had made several remonstrances to the former of his situa- 
tion to no manner of purpose— the above reasons I give for the Enemys 
hurry and why they did not pursue, Cross the River, which only a few 
Indians attempted, but retired agen; it was very natural to imagine, 
there was a reserve there and that Regular Troops would rally again 
and return to the field and retake what they lost which I believe might 
eassily have been done; I dont pretend to be a Judge, but submit my 
Opinion, if it was not a great error in the General to march his whole 
body without a dispossition to support an advance Party and without 
leaveing himself a Reserve? whereas, when he found the Advance 
Guard attack'd had he halted and spoke to the Officers and Men— told 
them what they might expect and what they were to do, at the same 
time detach'd some men to support those attack'd but what was more 
matterial to [sic] made a dispossition and form'd his own line likewise 
detach'd 100 men on each flank where the attack was to have march'd 
round the Enemy, which he had time enough to have done, but none 
of these Steps nor any other but those before mention'd were taken, 
which occasion'd a Total defeat. The Gen 1 and the rest with him, re- 
treated about 43 miles before ever they thought of sending any acco 1 
to C. Dunbar at last they did from Guests Settlement within seven 
miles where Col. Dunbars Camp was at that time— for him to send up 
some fresh Troops, for a rear Guard, likewise some flower— Amunition 
&c. and some Empty Waggons for the Sick and Wounded which was 
accordingly done the nth the same day all Join'd Col. Dunbar. The 
General in the Action received a Shot in the Arm which went through 
& penetrated his body and tho' I am, and every other person per- 
swaided he was in no Condition to be spoke to or to give orders— not- 
withstanding, in the Generals name, was orders given to destroy every 
thing in Colonel Dunbar's Camp Provisions of all kinds— upwards of 
150 Waggons all the Artillery Stores of every kind and even some of- 
ficers Baggage &c. 8ec. &c. The Confusion, hurry and Conflagration 
attending all this, Cannot be describ'd, but I Can assure you it affected 
every body who had the least sense of the Honour of His Majesty or 
the Glory of England at heart, in the deepest manner. 


Scandlous as the action was, more Scandlous was the base and hur- 
ried Retreat, with the immense destruction and expense to the Nation 
—what was lost in the Action with what was destroy'd afterwards by 
our selves, amounted upon a moderate Calculation to near Three 
hundred Thoussand pounds value besides the loss of Blood &c. We 
Carried with the sweat of our Brows, a pritty Train of Artillery up to 
the llrench, which they never Could have obtain'd otherwise. The 
other part, and the Greatest, which we destroy'd our selves might have 
been saved perhaps, if things had been left to the management of Col. 
Dunbar, who for private animosity's &c. never was Consulted— but the 
most absurd orders given in his Camp under the Gen 18 sanction tho' 
as I before said from good reasons was thought Could not be Con- 
sulted—how far the adviser's or dirrectors Can answer to God their 
Country or their own Conscience I shall not determine. I shall Con- 
clude this Account by telling you the grossest mismanagement has 
been in this expedition from our landing to our Defeat as every officer 
except (perhaps) a few, must own on inquiry— happy for our Troops 
they were not pursued or not a single soul Could have been Saved. 

In the time of the Action, The General behaved with a great deal of 
Personal Courage, which every body must allow— but thats all that 
Can be said— he was a Man of Sense and good natur'd too tho' Warm 
and a little uncooth in his manner— and Peevish— with all very indo- 
lent and seem'd glad for any body to take bussiness off his hands, which 
may be one reason why he was so grossly imposed upon, by his favourite 
—who realy Dirrected every thing and may Justly be said to've Com- 
manded the Expedition and the Army. 

On the 13th after the before mention'd destruction we all March'd 
—I mean Join'd the Gen 1 in his Retreat— before we had moved far 
(with Waggons only for the Sick and Wounded) it was discover'd The 
Train had reserved a Waggon with Powder and Seveti Cohorns on 
which a halt was order'd and Cap: Dobson of Col. Dunbars Regt. 
who was an acting under aid du camp from the time C. Orme was 
Wounded— order'd the Pioneers to be got together— and a hole to be 
Dug— a little off the road— in sight of the Army— Waggoners— Indian 
Traders &c Sec— where the Cohorns were burried— Who gave him such 
orders I Cant say but they were accordingly Comply'd with, without 
any order in Writeing, at this time the Genl was within a few hours 
of his Death. This Gentlemans activity in the intrest of C. Orme recom- 
mended him so strongley that he was to have been Lt. Colonel to a 
Regt. form'd from the Independent Companys of which its said Lt. 
Col. Burton was to be the Colonel— but since the Generals Death 


Dobson ask'd leave of Col. Dunbar to sell his Commission for £1500 to 
a Lieut.— how far he'll succeed at home is another question, on Sunday 
the 13 we Came to an encampment within a few miles of the Great 
Crossing of the Yauchnaganey at which place Genl. Braddock still 
Continued to give orders 'till he expired at nine o Clock same night, 
and was burried next morning on the high road, that the Army might 
march over, to deface any marks of a Grave, after which Col. Dunbar 
took upon him the Command and try'd every method to stop a Licen- 
tious Spirit in the Troops— and nothing but the want of powers pre- 
vents him makeing examples of some— no person Could Come to a 
Command under more disadvantages— as he knows nothing of His 
Majestys intentions nor of Genl. Braddocks instructions— as every pa- 
per was lost at the Action, neither Can he obtain any particular in- 
formation from C. Orme. 

When Genl. Braddock landed in America, affairs were by no means 
in readiness for him, as he expected; Virginia was a bad place, to be 
supplied in— Pensilvania was infinitely better, but we never had re- 
course there, 'till repeated dissapointments obliged us— a vast deal of 
time, was spent to little purpose, waiting for Carridges, horses Sec, & 
in laying up a Magazine at Wills's Creek of salt provisions flower &c. 
more than possibly we Could have occasion for— between 7 and Ten 
Thoussand bushells of Oats were laid in, tho' none Issued out, to En- 
able the horses to go on, in their march (which Oats since the Generals 
Death, C. Orme gave orders to Sell agen as they were the Generals 
property— but Col. Dunbar has interposed and will not permit it, as 
he says they are the Publicks). there were about 300 Waggons hyred at 
i3 sh [?] Currency or io sh English money a day, with 4 horses to each 
Waggon with the value of horses and Waggons ascertain'd if not re- 
turn 'd to the owners— 600 back load horses at two shillings a day each 
—Waggons and horses immensly loaded and little food on the Ground 
but leaves of Trees— more followers and attendants on this little Army 
than would have serv'd an Army of 20,000 Men in flanders; a Licen- 
tiousness which prevail'd among the Troops, in Consequence of being 
told, Genl. Braddock was sure of there good behaviour in the day of 
action, therefore would dispense with the Ceremonial part of Duty- 
it's impossible to express the bad effects of this hint— those who were 
inclin'd to be more exact were not more in favour on that ace 1 never 
one Deserter punish'd— The Army never seen by the Genl. but once 
Comeing along the line as Com r in Cheif; add to all this, The Pride, 
Insolence and overbearing Spirit of the first aid du camp C. Orme— 
despersing all former military orders ordinances and Customs of an 


Army in (landers or any where else either in old, 01 latter times, Com- 
manding and dictateing to every Branch from the lowest to the highest 
and no bounds of Resentment Again[st] those who would not Bow to 
Dagon and who had resolution enough to tell him the bad Conse- 
quences attending such measures which (to our misfortune) he had 
always influence enough, to obtain The Generals sanction to. 

The heads of both military and Civil Branches with us were despised 
as ignorant &c and if ever their opinions were ask'd (which was rarely) 
after a Sneer at them— the Contrary was sure to be follow'd. Poor S r 
Peter Halket who behaved in the late action with the greatest bravery 
and Coolness— divided his men and fired some platoons by his own Dir- 
rection, before he was kill'd; at the very time, he was approveing of the 
fire his Men had made before, and biding them do the same again— he 
was shot through the body. This Gentlemen who had before, given 
proofs of his abilitys as a Soldier and Confirm'd it by his Death, yet 
was publickly told— "he was a fool, he wanted leading strings" of which 
facts there are many Evidences— for some time before he died, he was 
in Disgrace— and the reasons he gave himself for it was, for his adviseing 
to train some people to the Great Guns as we had so few who under- 
stood that branch, likewise dissaproveing of the Line of March and pro- 
poseing to build block houses or stockades at proper passes for Maga- 
zines both for places of security as well as to encumber our March the 
less with Carridges— for giveing this advice he was told it was foolish and 
too much presumption— this fact I had from S r Peters own mouth— and 
the same he mention'd to several others— after which he neither was 
Consulted nor did he ever go near the Genl. but once when he was sent 
for about some storrie that had been Carried to the Genl. that he and 
some others were liveing well when their officers wanted, at which time 
S r Peter only had the King's salt provisions and Could get no other— 
notwithstanding he was threaten'd with his Regt. and advised to take 
Care of himself— to which he answer'd he did not depend on it for a 
livelyhood— and had not his honour been Concern'd he never would 
have Come on the Expedition. 

Col. Dunbar one day, giveing his Opinion (when ask'd) with a good 
deal of reason and instanceing the practise of Great Genls. he had 
served under &:c. was told in presence of Genl. Braddock, by Cap: Orme 
that it was Stuff, and that he might as well talk of his Grand-Mother to 
which C. Dunbar reply'd with some Warmth S r "if she was alive, she 
would have more sense, more good manners, and know as much of 
military matters as you do— on which the General interposed and said, 
Gentlemen you are both Warm— to which Dunbar answer'd— "General, 


you See the Provocation I got— so it ended then— but his opinion was 
never ask'd for the future. I forgot to mention, at Will's Creek, The 
Genl. desired Orme to be admited into the Council of War— which was 
accordingly done, but S r Peter finding how every thing went, as he di- 
rected he desired every body might afterwards sign their opinion— this 
gave great offence, so they had no more Councils— S r Peter declared if 
ever he Came to y e Command he would dismiss C. Orme next day from 
the Army and regreted much that the General had such a man about 
him who's advice would both be the ruin of the General & the Expe- 

As to what is before mention'd about C. Dunbar he repeated it when 
it happen'd and has often mention'd it since. Soon after this the make- 
ing of the Detachment and devideing the Army was plan'd and beleived 
by everybody— it was done with a Design to vex C. Dunbar, who realy 
was very much embarrass'd with such a number of Carridges &c and 
many other Dimcultys— but haveing no orders how to act he sent for 
instructions but Could obtain no other— but that he must do the best, 
and to be on his Guard, as he might expect to be made answerable for 
his Conduct &c. with several other threatning expressions and ordering 
him not to tease the General with Complaints which sometimes Came 
at unseasonable hours, dureing the Seperation, every method was taken 
to embarrass (to appearance) Col. Dunbar— by sending orders to for- 
ward to the Genl. every thing that Could be thought of. C. Dunbars 
Complaints at last became so well grounded that the General order'd 
40 horses to be sent back to him but such methods were taken that only 
the useless and those near their end were sent— so that only 16, of the 40 
was able to Join Dunbar. The General at parting told Col. Dunbar, he 
would always keep within three hours march of him— at last when he 
advanced a Considerable distance, he was heard to say he beleived he 
would be obliged to bring to— till C. Dunbar Join'd him— but that was 
opposed by C. Orme and orders were then sent to Col. Dunbar to Join 
the General, the best way he Could with the Convoy at Fort du Queesny 
(or Kane), which at the rate he was obliged to go on at Could not have 
been before Septem r . They say the principle Councellor with Orme was 
Lt Col. Burton who was privy to every thing, but this, I Can't affirm, 
from authority sufficient for you to depend on. When the General sep- 
arated with his detachment both Reg ts were pick'd and Cull'd without 
the knowledge either of S r Peter Halket or Col. Dunbar and the officers 
names mention'd in publick orders without regard either to tour of 
Duty— health— fitness or anything else but Just as the projectors pleased 
(which C. Orme Call'd a new Scheme proper for the Army to follow) 


after the separation, it then— I mean the part of Col. Dunbars Regt.— 
lost its name, and was Call'd Col. Burtons detachment, which in short 
began to do wonders, and all in a few days, which it seems was intirely 
oweing to Col. Burton— but unluckily in praiseing one so much they 
depress'd the other and took every opportunity to find fault with 
S r Peters detachment in order to sett off the other-matters run high, 
from a dryness among the officers to an indifference and Jelous'y which 
at last reach'd the men and where it would have ended, if it had more 
time to Operate in, is hard to tell, but the general Calamity put an end 
to that; and the remaining part of the Two Regiments heartily agree, 
in the neglect of Duty, dissobedience of orders, mutinous dispossitions, 
worse than any Militia I ever saw, Cowardly principles, frighten'd now 
almost at their own shaddows, or the name of an Indian, partly perhaps 
from the hurry we were in by a general destruction of every thing, as 
well as from their own inclinations; Plunder was the word at the Battle, 
as well as afterwards, but it was plundering ourselves— this is a bad pic- 
ture of Soldiers and such I'm tyred of, which nothing but the stricktest 
discipline and greatest severity Can possibly reclaim and I beleive 
they're now in very good hands, I mean in Col. Dunbars if he knew 
his power which Cap. Orme has taken Care to keep him in the Dark 
about, and took every method from the beginning to ruin him and make 
him uneassy, and even since the Generals Death seems equally de- 
termin'd to frustrate C. Dunbars designs at least as far as is in his power 
to do. 

In Nine days from the time we Retreated after the Junction of the 
Genl. we arrived at Wills' Creek where we now are— but Col. Dunbar 
soon proposes to move to Philidelphia with the Kings Troops 'till he 
receives orders from England. Pity it was that the Genl. (even after 
his Retreat) when he Join'd C. Dunbar— instead of destroying the value- 
able stores X: provisions 8: makeing a shameful flight— notwithstanding 
their was not one Indian or french man in pursute— did not determine 
on building a stockade at Guests or the Great Crossing where their was 
fine Ground— in which Case it would have Secured the Fronteers— and 
been a Cheque on the Enemy our being so far advanced in the Country; 
we destroy 'd provision enough, which, without any supply would have 
lasted us all, these six months. 

Which way all the Acco ts and Contracts will be settled here is hard 
to tell but their is an immense sum due for Contracts of one kind and 
other. I dare say not far short of £100000. The General in some of his 
Trunks the day of action had Two thousand five hundred pounds all 
which, with much more money and private effects fell into the Enemys 


hands— a supply they much Wanted and an ample one it was— from 
Guests their was a bag of flower left here and thereon the road, least 
any Soldiers should have been in need of it. Several stragglers have 
Join'd us since who says they should have starv'd but for Provisions they 
found on the road— but report, the road was full of Dead and people 
dieing who with fatigue or Wounds Could move on no further; but lay 
down to die— this melancholy Acco 1 Convinces, what use our Staying, 
would been of, to save the life of many a poor fellow. 

What we have seen, Convinces us that such an immense number of 
Waggons and horses will never do to be under the Care of so small a 
body of Troops. Col. Dunbar affirms that to avoid the Carridges he 
Could have had live Cattle drove— and flow'r Carried on their backs 
with out the least trouble to the Army, except to give a Guard to the 
Conductors— in which Case they would have found one pound of fflower 
and one pound of fresh meat to each man; for within Eight pence Cur- 
rency a day, where, as the Case stood, each Soldier stands for his Salt 
provisions and flow'r Three shillings a day &: upwards upon the nearest 
Calculation— this is oweing to the expence of Carridge &c. The Ground 
was so mountainous from Wills's Creek upwards, that we were all 
Work'd and sweated both man and beast to get the Waggons up the 
hills which the horses never Could have done without the men, and be 
assured notwithstanding it has turn'd out to so little purpose, yet it 
has been a most fatigueing Campaign, in a Wilderness where nothing 
is to be seen but wood. We have yet a pretty little march to take to Phili- 
delphia of about 250 miles— we have brought few horses of all we had, 
here, with us, they being either kill'd or Dead— and vast numbers stole 
off by the Waggoners and Drivers. This is the Conclusion of the Ameri- 
can expedition under General Braddock which was more amply pro- 
vided for by the Government than any expedition of so small a number 
ever had been before. The truth of this is very well known to you. I'm 
heartily sorry I have it not in my power to give a more favourable 
account which might have been shorten'd if I had avoided some Cir- 
cumstances—but I thought it best to be particular as they might not 
Come to your hand so soon— but I'm sure you'll hear all I have ad- 
vanced and much more— as soon as you have opportunity of seeing any 
impartial person on this expedition, which will be Ninety-nine out of 
a hundred. 

A Return of the Troops Encamp'd at Wills's Creek, distinguishing 
the Fit for Duty, Sick, and Wounded, July 25 th 1755 

Fit lor 








































44th Regi- 

ment of 















48th Do 























Detachmt of 





Light Horse 






































[see next page] 

A Return of the Troops Encamp'd at Wills's Creek, distingushing 
















































































3 11 

the Fit for duty, Sick and Wounded, July 25 th 1755 [Continued] 























44th Regi- 
ment of 

48th Do 


Detachmt of 

Light Horse 






























5 6 7 


3 1 


















J 5 




Tho Dunbar 


Captain William Eyre 1 to Robert Napier 


Camp near Albany 
27th July 1755. 
D r Sir, 

Since I did my self the pleasure to inform you that Genl. Bradock 
order'd me upon this Service from Fort Cumberland I have been here 
helping to make all the Necessary Preparations for our expedition 
against Crown Point, and this Morning were all Alarmed with the News 
of Genl Bradock's being defeated within Nine Miles of Fort duquesne. 
the Particulars we have not yet learned, but make no doubt but you W ill 
know them before this reaches you: its further said he has lost most 
Part of the Artillery, if this fatal News prove true, I am afraid it will 
throw a Damp on the Minds of those raw and undiciplined Troops with 
us, and what is, as bad, the Indians who now seem very hearty in Our 
Interest, however be it as it will, we hope soon to make the tryal, and 
endeavour to get revenge: the first Division march'd a few Days ago, 
Under Major Genl. Lymon, 2 w ch was about 1000 Men with two field 
Pieces, to make Roads Bridges, &;c, between this and a Place Called the 
carrying Place, about 50 Miles up this River; the Battering Train moves 
in three or four Days with 1200 Men & the field Pieces with the rest of 
the Army immediately After. Our Army Will amount to three thousand 
five hundred, & the Number of Cannon are 6 18 p tlrs , 2 32 p drs , 8 6 p drs , 
one 13, & two 8 Inch Mortars, but as all our Artillery are Iron I am 
afraid we shall not be able to get them along, if the Roads prove bad, 
particularly the 18 p drs , they weighing from fifty two to fifty three 
hundred weight, and the 32 pd rs only between 41 & 44 hundred. I have 
very little help to assist me in the management of the Artillery, no En- 
gineer but my self, and was Obliged to Act as Q r Master Genl. Since 
my Arrival, as there was no such Officer Appointed by the Provinces, 
nor any Body here who was acquainted with that Service, so Major 
Genl. Shirley has lately Given me A Commission for that Purpose. I 
make no Doubt but we shall be able to reduce the Fort in a short time 
if we can get up our Artillery, but they are so extremely heavy, and so 

1 William Eyre, ranked as a practitioner engineer in 1744. was with Cumberland 
at Culloden in 1746, and served as engineer in ordinary in Flanders in 1747. He 
became a sub-engineer in 1748. For his services with Johnson, Eyre, already a cap- 
tain in the 44th regiment, was rewarded by being promoted, from England, to the 
rank of major. He became lieutenant colonel of the 44th regiment in paly, 1758. 
After the war he was made chief engineer in America, and in 1765, as he was re- 
turning to England for his long-delayed leave of absence, was drowned off the 
English coast. 

2 Phineas Lyman of Connecticut. 


many other difficulties in our way, as I tear, will make it not easy to 
surmount, however, I long to make the experiment, and be persuaded 
there is no thing shall he wanting on My Side to bring things to a 
happy Issue, 

Major Genl. Shirley is lately pass'd here in his Way to Niagara. 
I wish he could make a little more haste, or I fear he will Miss the 
opportunity to lay hold of it. His Army is about 2000 & upwards. The 
Sloop that takes this Letter to New York is just going, so beg you will 
excuse hurry. My best respects to Mrs. Napier. And Am D r Sir, Y r Most 
Obliged, & most Ob 1 Serv 1 

Will Eyre. 
Since I finish'd the Other Side, we have a List Sent up by Capt. Orme 
of the Unhappy & most Shocking fate of Our Troops, with the loss of 
the General & Our Artillery. Oh! how I wish for revenge: If the Troops 
stands firm, and the Indians do not quit us, I make no doubt but we 
shall be able to return the Compliment. What shall I say? we must re- 
turn the Blow. I must conclude, adieu once more dear Sir— 

[Endorsed] 1755 Cap" Eyre July 27 Red 1 Oct 2 d . 

French Account of the Action Near the 

River Ohio on the 9TH July 1755 


RELATION de Laction qui Sest passe Sur La R re oyo, a 3 Lieues du 
fort Duquesne le Q e Juillet 1755 entre un Detachemen 1 de 250 Canadien 
et 650 Sauvages, commande par M r De Beaujeu, Capitaine, et un corps 
de 2000 homines anglais commande par Le General Braddork 

Extrait de La Lettre ecrite par M r De Contrecoeur Commandan 
an fort Duquesne a Monsieur Le marquis De Vaudreuil Gouver- 

neur General, date du dit fort le 14° Juillet 


Je n'ai cesse depths le commancement de ce mois denvoyer des Detache- 
ment de francais et Sauvages pour harceler les anglais que Je Savois 
etre au nombre de 3000. a 30: ou 40: Lieues du fort Sepreparent avenir 
Lassieger, ces Troupes Se Tenoient Si bien Sur Leur gardes, marchant 
Toujours en bataille que Tous les Efforts que faisoient les Detache- 
ment contre elles devenoient inutiles, 

Enfin apprenant Tous Jours que ces Troupes approchoient; Jenvoyai 
Le S r La Peyrade, officier, avec quelque francais et Sauvages, pour 

1 A part of the extract from Contrecceur's letter is printed in Parkman's Mont- 
calm and ]\'olfe, Appendix. 


Savoir precisement ou elle etoient, il ma'pprit le Lendemain 8 e que 
Les anglais etoient a environt 8 Lieues de ce forts, 

Je fis Sur Le champ un autre detachement quy mappris Le meme 
Jours qu'ils netoient plus qu'a 6 Lieues et qu'ils marchoient Sur Trois 

Le meme Jour Je formais un parti de Tous ceque Je pouvois mettre 
horts du forts pour aller a Leur Rencontres il etoits compose de 250 . . . 
francais et de 650 Sauvages, cequi faisoit goo hommes M r De Beaujeu, 
Capitaine; le Commandoits. II y avoit deux Capitaine qui etoient M rs 
Dumas et Lignerie et plusieurs autre officiers Subaltarnes 

Ceparti se mit en marche Le 9 a 8 heurs du matin, et Se Trouva a 
midi et demy en presence des anglais a environ 3 Lieues du fort, on 
commancas a faire feu de part et d'autre le feu de L'artillerie ennemie 
fit Reculer un peu par deux fois notre partie, M r De Beaujeu fut Tue a 
La Troisieme de charge, M r Dumas prit Le commandement il Sen ac- 
quita au mieux nos francais plains de courage Soutenu par Les Sauvages, 
quoiquil n'eussent pas d'artillerie firent a Leur Tour plier les anglais 
qui Se batoient en ordre de bataille en bonne contenance et ces derniers 
voyant lardeur des nos gens quy foncoient avec une vigueur infinie, 
furent en fin oblige de plier Tout a fait apres 4 heurs d'un grand feu 
M rs Dumas et Lignerie qui navoient plus avec eux qu'une vingtaine 
de francais, ne Sengagerent Point dans La poursuit; ils Rentrerent dans 
le fort, parcequ'une grande partie des Canadiens, qui n'etoient mal- 
heuresement que des Enfant, Setoient Retire a La premiere decharge, les 
meilleurs avoient Reste a LaR re aux Boeuf a faire les portage des 
vivres; d'aillieurs un partie des Sauvages netoient occupes qu'a Lever 
des chevelures et a piller. Si les ennemis fussent Revenus avec Les 1000 
hommes de troupes fraiches qu'ils y avoient en Reserve a quelque dis- 
tance d'eux, et dont nous ne Savions pas L'eloignement, nous nous 
serions peut-etre Trouver fort embarasse 

M r De Courtemanche, Lieutenant, coucha Sur Le Champ de Bataille, 
ainsi que les officiers qui etoient de Retour dela poursuitte des fuyards, 
sur les quels il avoient Tire Jusqu'a La nuit, avec les sauvages qui les 
avoient Suivis. 

M rs Dumas et Lignerie ont bien Remplace Monsieur De Beaujeu 
dans Tactions, Tous les officiers en general Sy Sont distingues, Les Cadets 
ont fait des merveilles ainsi que nos Soldats, 

Tous les Sauvages du Detroit et de michilimakinak Sont partis des 
le Lendemain de Laction, Sans que J'aye pu les arreter, ces Sauvages 
comme les domicilies et ceux de la Belle Riviere ont Tres bien fait, il 
est necessaire de les Recompenser 


J'envoic aujourd'hui un petit D£tachement pour decouvrir ceque 
sont devenus lcs anglais; et Savoir S'il ont dessein de Revenir nous at- 
taquer ou de Sen Retourner 

Si ont veut conserver cette Riviere, il lata y faire des Etablicement 
plus considerables 

Cy-Joint Rx. 
ETAT de Lartillerie, munitions de guerre, et autres Effets appartenant 
aux anglais, qui SeSont Trouve Sur le Champ de Bataille apres Laetion 

4 Canon de fonte aux amies d'angleterre du calibre de 1 i lb 
4 idem de 5 lb }{> 
4 Mortiers ou aubussiers de fonte de 7 pouce ]{, de diametre 

3 autres mortiers de grenade . . . de 4 pouce % idem 
175 Boulet de 1 i lh 

57 aubus de 6. % 

17 Baril de poudre de 100 Chaque 

19740 Cartouche Charge pour mousquets 

Les artifices pour Lartillerie 

Les autres outils necessaires pour un Siege 

grandes Quantite de fusils, de Service et hors de Service 

Quantite de Chariots brisees 

4 a 500 Cheveaux, dont par tie Tue 
Environ 100 betes a Comes 

un grand nombre de baril de poudre et de farine enfonces 
Environ 600 hommes morts, dont grand nombre d'officiers, 

et des blesse a proportion 
20 hommes ou femme fait Prisonnier par les Sauvages 
un butin Tres considerables, en meubles, hardes et ustenciles 
Quantite de papier qu'on a pas eu le Temps [?] de faire Traduire 
on y a Reconnu entrautre le plan du fort Duquesne avec Ses Exates 

N ta Les Sauvages ont Pille beaucoup dor et dargent mon- 


LISTE des officiers, Soldats, Miliciens et Sauvages de Canada qui ont 
ete Tues dans Laetion s^avoir 



De Beaujeu, Commandant 
De Carqueville, Lieutenant 
De La Peyrade, Enseigne 



23 homines Marts 

16 hommes Blesse 

3 officiers 

3 Canadians 

2 Soldats 

15 Sauvagcs de differentes nations 


M rs 

Le Borgues Lieutenant, un bras Casse 

Bailleul Enseigne . . . Legerement 

hertel S te Thereze 1 n , 

,, ., I Cadet idem 

Montmidy J 

1 2 Sauvages idem 

Pour Extrait a Quebec Le 8 e aoust 1755 

[Endorsed] Relation Francaise de Taction du 9: juillet a Monongahela, pres 
de la Riviere Ohio. 7755 

Summary of Letters from Spencer Phips, 
Thomas Fitch, Arthur Dobbs, and Rhode Island l 


Massachusets Bay Presid 1 Phips Is raising 800: Additional Men. for 
Aug' 30 th 1J55. Gen 1 Johnson 

None of President Phips 's Letters 
apply for Assistance from England;— But a long Memorial from the 
Province has been delivered by their Agent M r Bollan, supported by a 
long Letter, setting forth the great Number of Men they have raised, & 
their Large Expences, & desiring Assistance in general— They also repre- 
sent, that many Inconveniences, may arise from recruiting the regular 
Troops in America; as it may lessen the Number of Inhabitants, & dis- 
courage the Eagerness of the People, to inlist for particular Services- 
Connecticut. Letter from M r Fitch. Have raised & Maintained 1000: 
& Address Aug 1 i l iy^. 2 Men for the Expedition to Crown 

Point; are going to add 500: more, 
—have permitted New York to raise 300: Men in their Country— repre- 
sent the want of Arms, & desire such Supply as the King shall judge 

1 This document is in memorandum form. 
- Printed in Conn. Hist. Soc. Coll., I, 265-269. 


proper— they have contracted large Debts for this & other publick Serv- 
ices, & desire Relief therein 


irolina Gov Dot 

'755- : 


12 Pound rs 


18 Pound" 


18 Pound rs 


9 Pound" 






Barrels powder. 

Dobbs Aug 1 25: 

To fortify Cape Look-out 

Has given Directions for a Bat- 
tery & Barracks at Ocacock Har- 
bour, for which there is wanting. 
12. 12 Pound" 8e 8: 18 Pound"— 
And for Johnston Fort at Cape 
Fear River, ij: 18 Pound" 16. 9 
Pound" 30 Suivels, & as many 
Musquetoons, with Bullets, & 
Stores for all the Guns.— M r Dobb 
also desires 20: Barrels of Powder- 
He likewise represents It will be 
necessary to fortify Cape Look out 

Rhode Island— April 17—1755'. 

"k Agents— Petition in July 1755 4 :— 

20: Cannon, with Stores- 

Have raised 400: Men, Given 
io,ooo£, 8c the Town of Newport 
5,ooo£ for repairing, and enlarg- 
ing the Fort at Newport, in which 
there are 24: Cannon purchas'd by 
themselves— 20: more from 18: to 
24: Pounders are wanted, which 
they desire to be sent, with 50: 
Shott for each Gun, & other proper 
These Cannon were applied for, several Years ago; in 1735, the Board 
of Trade reported for sending them: In 174-1, tne Report was refen'd 
to the Master of the Ordnance, to make an Estimate, which came to 

Sketch for Next Year's Campaign in 

North America. 1 Sept r 6: 1755 


The unfortunate Miscarriage of His Majesty's Forces in the designed 

Attack upon Fort du Quesne, in North America, & the Death of Major 

3 Printed in North Carolina Col. Recs., V. 419. 

* References in Rhode Island Col. Recs., V, 411, and Kimball, Correspondence of 
the Col. Governors of R. I., II, 156. 
1 In the handwriting of Robert Napier, this document is in memorandum form. 


Gen 1 Braddock, make it necessary to alter the Scheme proposed for the 
next year's Campaign in that Country; 2 which, if the attempts upon 
Niagara and Crown-Point Succeed, as those have already done upon Fort 
Beau Sejour & S f John's, will still put us in a condition to attack Mont- 
real and Quebec, & afterwards to go up the River, & attack Fort du 

In order to which, an additional Force of (at least) 1000: Regular 
Troops should be sent from Britain, as soon as conveniently can be, 
together with an experienced &: active General Officer to command in 
chief, who should repair imediately to Albany, as the most centrical & 
convenient Place for getting Information, and also the most proper 
for making his chief Magazines. 

The Troops to be sent over, should, likewise be stationed at New- 
York and Albany, in which Neighbourhood the rest of those Forces 
should also have their Winter-Quarters, in order to begin the opera- 
tions next year, as early as possible, which the advantages of the Rivers 
in those Parts, will greatly contribute to. 


To the 1000: Men to be sent from Britain, (as above mentioned) a 
1000: may be added from the two Regiments of Halket & Dunbar, 
leaving the Remainder of those Corps, Sc Part of the seven independant 
Companies to recruit in Virginia, & cover the back settlements there: 
the General will also be able to draw a considerable number from the 
three Regiments in Nova Scotia after leaving about 1500: for the neces- 
sary Garrisons in those Parts. These Forces, with the Regiments of 
Shirley & Pepperell, & such additional Provincial Troops and Irregulars 
as he may find necessary to be granted by the different Provinces, will 
make up such a Corps as, 'tis to be presumed, will put him in thorough 
Condition to do his Business effectualy in those Parts, notwithstanding 
the Reinforcement sent lately to Canada from France. 

If the Attacks upon Niagara and Crown-Point have met with the 
Success which 'tis hoped they will, the obvious Business of next Cam- 
- Probably the plan of August 11, 1755, Add. MSS. 35,909, f. 208. 


paign is the Reduction of Montreal and Quebec with the Forts which 
lie between those Places: in order to which we must be masters of 
Lake Champlain by having a proper Number of armed Vessels upon 
it: and, as this Lake empties itself into the River 5' Lawrence, by the 
River Sorrell, between Quebec & Montreal, it will naturaly occur to 
the General that he must make himself Master of the last mentioned 
River; by which Means he will have the Advantage of Water Carriage 
from Crown Point to the S* Lawrence, 8: have it in his Power to keep 
either Quebec or Montreal in check, whilst he carries on his attack upon 
either of those Places. And it is not to be doubted with the Force he 
will have, he will have, the Benefit before mentioned of water Carriage 
behind him, & the assistance of such a Number of His Majesty's ships 
of war, as shall be thought sufficient to block up the mouth of the River 
S' Lawrence he will soon be able to reduce those Places, & by that means, 
make himself master of all Canada. 

The Providing in time (so that the operations may begin as early as 
possible in the Spring) the necessary stores, ammunition & Provisions, 
as also Vessels, Batteaux & Floats for transporting them, must be dili- 
gently attended to; together with a good & sufficient Train of Artillery; 
and 'tis presumed, that this may be done from what is in Nova Scotia 
& the Provinces. But, 'till such time as a particular account can be got 
of the Numbers, Natures & Condition of the Artillery there, nothing 
can be said more on that head: nor can it be said what number of 
small arms will be necessary 'till a like account can be had of those that 
are already there. It is, however, proper to mention in this place, that 
'till such time as the Governm 1 gives some orders to the Governours of 
the Provinces to take care of, &: keep up the Arms that are from time 
to time sent over there, in proper condition & Repair; the sending over 
such large Numbers as they demand, is putting the Governm 1 here to 
very great Expences, to little Purpose. 

On the Supposition that we have already succeeded in the Attack 
on Niagara, that we have established ourselves strongly there, & that 
our naval Force on Lake Ontario is sufficient (which will fix & confirm 
the six Indian Nations in that Friendship & Alliance they have so lately 
promised) it will be equaly necessary 8c very possible to establish a like 
naval Force upon Lake Erie also. 



The making ourselves masters of Fort du Quesne has not been men- 
tioned 'till now; as the great Tediousness, Expence and Difficulties 
which were most unexpectedly found in our attempt, by the way of 
Virginia, makes it seem necessary to alter the manner of proceeding 
to that Place. To avoid, therefore, the former inconveniencies it is pro- 
posed, That the Expedition to that Fort should go from the sources, 
down the River Ohio, rather than the former way: on that supposition, 
the being previously Masters of Niagara is necessary; upon which it 
is reasonable to imagine that the French will abandon the Ohio, as they 
will be cut off from all Comunication with Canada: but, should they 
not; by means of Niagara, there will be a short & easy access to the Ohio, 
& the Advantage gained of conveying the Troops & Stores down that 
River, in order to attack the Fort, 'tis to be hoped, more successfully. 


But, whether the next Campaign is to begin by reducing Fort du 
Quesne Niagara Crown Point or Quebec, the General will find Albany 
the proper Center to collect his Troops, & to make the necessary Dispo- 
sitions for taking the Field; he should therefore be sent over as soon 
as can be, to consult with the several Governors & jointly to concert 
measures with them, that he may not meet with those unforseen & un- 
expected Retardments, which delayed our Troops so long this last 

The French will probably endeavour to make a Diversion from the 
Missisipi upon our Southern Provinces: but, with the independant 
Companies, & Part of the two Regiments left there, together with the 
Provincial Forces of those Parts, k the Assistance of our most Southern 
Indians (who have hitherto been, in general, steady) it is to be presumed 
that any Attempts the French may make that zvay, will be of little con- 
sequence, considering also the Difficulties They will meet in coming up 
the Mississipi River. The General, however, by being upon the Spot, 
will be a better judge; &, by consulting with the Governors of the South- 
ern Provinces, be better able to take the most necessary & prudent 
Measures for preventing any great Danger in those Parts. 


Peter Wraxall 1 to Henry Fox 


Camp at Lake George, 
September -'7th 1755. 

Honoured Sir, 

The Title I take the Liberty to give you, I have before made use 
of, explained my Motives for it, and, I hope, they appeared to you, as 
they did to me, a Justification. 

The subsequent Matter of this Letter will, I flatter myself, atone for 
the Interruption it may give you, if I am mistaken, I am certain my 
Intentions are full of respect and gratitude. 

The Troops which compose this Camp, are those Provincial Levies 
which were agreed to be raised at the Council at Alexandria, in order 
to form an Expedition against Crown Point, and to be put under the 
Command of Col: Wm. Johnson, who had, in Consequence thereof, 
Commissions given him, by sundry of the Governm ts concerned, of 
Major General, and Commander in Chief. 

The Numbers agreed upon at Alexandria, were between 4 and 
5000, but the 500 raised by New Jersey were drawn off by General 
Shirley, to aid his Operations from Oswego. The other Governm ts 
did not come up to their Quotas. The New Hampshire Troops, about 
450 did not join us, till about 3 Weeks ago, so that, when General 
Johnson left Albany, the amount of the Troops, fit for Duty, were 
about 3000. 

I was sent, by General Braddock's Orders, from Fort Cumberland, 
to assist General Johnson, in his Indian Transactions; he wrote, 
afterwards, to General Braddock, that I might have leave to con- 
tinue with, and act under him, in his Military Department. This was 
consented to. I received, from General Johnson, three Commissions: 
One, as his Aid de Camp; One, as his Military Secretary; the Other to 
be Judge Advocate, to the Troops under his Command. These Offi- 
ces I have acted in. The Colonies made no Nomination, or appointed 
any Pay, for either of Them, and, I believe, never will do it. I neither 
have taken, or shall take, any Fees or Perquisites. My Emulation to 
serve the Publick, and my private Friendship for General John- 

1 For Peter Wraxall (d. 1759). who was Town Clerk of Albany, secretary for In- 
dian affairs in New York, Johnson's secretary, and captain of a New York inde- 
pendent company, see C. H. Mcllwain. ed.. An Abridgment of the Indian Affairs 
. . . by Peter Wra\all (1915), pp. c-exviii. 


son, were, and are, my prevailing Motives, for sustaining Employ- 
ments, which have given me unremitted Fatigue, for upwards of 3 

The first Post we took Possession of, after we left Albany, was, at 
the Great Carrying Place, about 50 Miles from Albany. This is a 
Pass of great Importance, as all the frequented Roads, from Canada 
fall in there. Here the General ordered a Work to be thrown up, 
which was clone, after a Plan, and under the Direction of Captain 
Eyre, whom Gen 1 Braddock sent as an Engineer, tho' not quite com- 
pleated, Troops are in Garrison there, & our General has given it 
the Name of Fort Edward, in Honour to Our Young Prince. 

From Fort Edward We marched, with 1500 Men, to this Lake, 
which is about 15 Miles distance. The French call it Lake St. Sacra- 
ment, but the General gave it the Name of Lake George, thereby fur- 
ther to ascertain His Majesty's undoubted Right to it. We arrived 
here the 28th of August, found all the Land about it a thick Wood, 
where never the least Settlement had been made; Not a Foot cleared; 
Some Days were spent in cutting down the Trees, & clearing Ground 
for a regular Engagement. This Lake runs pretty nearly N. & S., in 
the broadest Part about 1% Mile. It abounds with small Islands, the 
Water wholesome & pleasant, & very full of Fish, particularly fine 
large Trout. It is navigable for Boats for about 36 Miles, when It 
grows very Narrow, and has a perpendicular Fall, which stops all 
Navigation; there the small Boats & Canoes in use here are carried 
over the Land for about a Mile, and launched into the Lake again; 
It soon empties Itself in the River, which leads to Crown Point; This 
Fall is about 18 Miles from Crown Point. This Fall, & a little beyond 
it, is another grand Pass called Tionderogo, which commands all 
the Water Passage between Crown Point, and these Parts. This im- 
portant Pass our General proposed to take Possession of, 8c fortify, 
and before We received the late Visit from the Enemy, intended to 
have embarked with about 1000 Men 8ec. & taken Post there; It is 
about 15 or 16 Miles from Crown Point. From all that I can observe 
from Maps, or learn from Information, it would be a better Situation, 
and a greater Security for this Country to have a good Fort there, 
than where Crown Point stands; but as the River, which leads from 
thence to Crown Point, is broad & deep, either that must be de- 
molished, and the Enemy prevented from Rebuilding, or Tionderogo 
be made very strong & well Garrisoned. 

The particular Account of the Actions of the 8th Instant, I drew 
up, and was transmitted by the General to the Lieutenant Governor 


of Boston, in a general Letter to all the Governments concerned. 2 As 
I make no doubt that Relation has been transmitted by Governor 
Phipps, & others to the Administration, & will have reached you be- 
fore This has the honor to be in your Hands, I shall not repeat it; 
But make some Observations on the Three Actions of the Day, in or- 
der to let you into the Character of Our Troops, and their Merit. 

The Party in the Morning, with the Indians, & the sustaining Party 
sent out upon Our hearing the first Fire, were equal, if not superioi 
in Number to the Enemy. Our People were surprised, by neglecting 
to have advanced, & flank, Guards. Only the Indians, & some of the 
foremost of Our Men stood the Attack; among both those there was a 
great slaughter: The rest did not advance, or make any Motions to 
sustain the Front, upon which They were beat back, a Panick took 
Place, & the whole fled in a disorderly Manner towards the Camp, 
The Enemy pursued, and kept firing upon the nearest Fugitives. Our 
People run into Camp with all the Marks of Horror & Fear in their 
Countenances, exagerating the Number of the Enemy, this infected 
the Troops in Camp, The Enemy were advancing, Our General 
harangued & did all in his Power to animate our People, I rode along 
the Line from Regiment to Regiment, decreased the Enemy's Num- 
bers, promised them a cheap Victory if they behaved with Spirit, 
begun a Huzza which took, & they planted themselves at the Breast- 
Work just as the Enemy appeared in Sight; some of the Officers, but 
not many, seconded my Endeavours. The Enemy had been obliged 
to halt upon some Disputes among their Indians, this happy Halt, 
in all Probability saved Us, or the French General would have con- 
tinued his Pursuit, R: I am afraid entered with the last of our flying 
Men, before our Troops recovered from their Consternation. Great 
Numbers of our Men hid themselves during the Engagement, and 
many pretended Sickness. I did all in my Power to drive several out 
to the Breast Work, but for the most Part in vain. I beleive about 
1700 Men stood to their Duty, We might be in the whole about 1900. 

When the Enemy was beat off and flying, a Trial was made to pur- 
sue, but Men & several Officers were backward. However I don't 
know but a Pursuit might have been dangerous to Us. The Day was 
declining— The Rout of the Enemy not certain— The Country all 
a Wood,— our Men greatly fatigued, provided neither with Bayonets 
or Swords, undisciplined, & not very high spirited. These Reasons 
(for my Opinion was asked) induced me to think we had better be 
content with the fortunate Repulse we had given the Enemy, and 

-Documentary History of New York, II, 691-695. 

i 4 o DIESKAU 

before Night put every Thing in Order and Security, for the Prisoners 
said they had 1000 Men more who were expected to be on their 
March to reinforce them. 

The Third Engagement of the Evening seems to be the only con- 
siderable Honor on our Side. 

The Enemy were double our Number, our brave Party drove them 
from their Ground, took Possession of their Baggage, & made a great 
Slaughter amongst them. It must be owned the Enemy were van- 
quished Troops and had fled from the Attack at the Camp. 

I believe on the whole of the Day's Actions the Number of our 
slain and wounded were not greatly inferior to the Enemy's. Their 
greatest Loss was among their regular Troops, who made and sup- 
ported the grand Attack on our Center, and behaved with the utmost 

We had the Honor to take their General Prisoner; His Aid de 
Camp surrendered himself, & we killed and wounded most of their 
principal Officers. 

Our General treated the French General with the utmost Human- 
ity & generous Delicacy, had him laid on his own Bed, and tho' the 
Doctor attended to dress his wound, had all the French General's 
first looked at & dressed. The Baron de Dieskau from first to last be- 
haved with Magnanimity, with the most decent Composure, & with 
a frank Politeness, in short, the Philosopher, the Soldier, and the 
Gentleman shone conspicuous through his whole Behaviour. He is 
wounded in his Bladder and I fear will not recover. General Johnson 
at his own Request sent him down to Albany in a horse Litter where 
most of the other Prisoners are also sent. The Intelligence derived 
from the Papers (which were very few) and Prisoners taken, amounts 
to this. 

That with the Baron Dieskau and under his Command arrived 
from Europe to Canada about 2000 Regular Troops part of which 
were detached to Cadaraqui and Niagara and the remainder (about 
half) kept to act against Our Designs. 

That a chosen Body had been picked out of all the Regular Troops 
in Canada to support the Baron's Opperations. That there assembled 
at Crown Point Regular and Irregular Troops about 6000 and up- 
wards of 700 Indians. That they were throwing up new Works and 
strengthening Crown Point— taken Possession of all the important 
Passes in Our Way, had a strong Encampment at Tionderogo, secured 
by Canon & Works, and by late Intelligence We have reason to be- 


leive they have an Encampment of Observation between this and 

Two Days after Our Engagements of the 8th all Our Indians left 
Us & went home. 

In their public Speech they pleaded as their Reason, the constant 
Custom of their People after a Battle in which they had sustained any 
considerable Loss, as they had by the Engagement of the Morning. 
They disavowed any fear of the Enemy or Treachery towards Us, 
and declared they were now more than ever enraged against the 
French and their Indians and were determined upon Revenge- 
hoped We should not sheath the Sword for they would not, but re- 
turn when the General sent for them and was ready to proceed. They 
desired most earnestly that the Cagnawaga Indians, who had broke 
their Faith with them might never again be permitted to trade either 
at Albany or Oswego. 

The Cagnawaga Indians live in Canada and are the bravest of the 
French Indians. They are Fugitives from the 6 Nations whom the 
French Policy and Priesthood have debauched from Us, aided by 
Our former Negligence and ill management in Indian Affairs. They 
are freely admitted to trade at Oswego and Albany in behalf of the 
French, who by their means supply themselves with Indian Goods 
from Us and so fight Us with Our own Weapons. It is a profitable 
Trade to the People of Albany & though very prejudicial to the 
general Interest, yet those People have but one Maxim of Conduct- 
that private Profit is the highest and only Motive of Action. 

The Officers of this Army with very few Exceptions are utter Stran- 
gers to Military Life and most of them in no Respect superior to the 
Men they are put over, They are like the heads and indeed are the 
heads of a Mob. The Men are raw Country Men. They were flattered 
with an easy & a speedy Conquest; All Arts were used to hide future 
Difficulties and Dangers from them, and the whole Undertaking in 
all it's Circumstances smoothed over to their Imaginations, most of 
them came with nothing more than a Wastecoat, 2 Shirts and one 
Blanket, Their Tents ill made, not Weather Proof and some none 
at all. during the warm Weather and Our first Operations, Things in 
main went on tollerably; but late Fatigues, some rainy & cool Days 
the length of time, the brave Behaviour of the Enemy, the killed & 
wounded among Us, the Approach of Winter Weather— all these 
matters have broke Our Mens Spirits, injured Their Healths and 
produced a general and visible Dejection amongst them, a fondness 


(incurable I beleive at present) to return home for this Winter and 
an avowed Dislike to proceed any farther till next Spring. Large Re- 
inforcements are said to be on the Way from Boston and Connecticut 
Governments thro' the Country by way of Albany, but as the Provi- 
sions and Ammunition for them is to come a long way round by 
Water, it will probably be the beginning of Winter before they can 
be brought from Albany hither. These Reinforcements live and are 
to live till the Arrival of their Own, on the Provision belonging to 
the old Troops; so that tho' they add to Our Numbers they diminish 
Our Provisions & Ammunition, of both which We had no super- 

Provided the number of Waggons to transport Our Provisions, 
Stores & Battoes from Albany & Fort Edward hither, should greatly 
exceed Our Expectations— should the necessary Reinforcements not 
arrive here— should the warm Cloathing said to be preparing also 
arrive— should the flat bottomed Boats for Our Artillery be finished— 
I say should all these matters take place and be compleated within 
these three Weeks, and sooner there is no probability they will, and 
provided the Officers and Men were all disposed to go forward on the 

Were every thing thus far compassed give me leave to observe 

1. By the best Intelligence We can obtain and which may in great 
measure be depended on, the Enemy's Forces ready to oppose Us are 
more than We should with the expected Reinforcements be able to 
march against them. A great part of theirs are regular Troops (We 
none) over and above these the Enemy have 3 Indians to one against 
Us should Ours return. 

2. We have Intelligence that the Enemy have taken possession of 
Tionderogo, have Artillery & thrown up works there. 

3. We have not any practicable Method of bringing Cannon to at- 
tack the Enemy and endeavour to dislodge them from Tionderogo 
in order to open Our Way, but by Water; all Our Battoes will scarcely 
transport with 15 Days Provisions and requisite Stores 2500 Men, a 
Number by the best Accounts not equal to the Enemys. 

4. Our Battoes are small kind of Wherrys incapable of sustaining 
much Wind or rough Water. This Lake when the Wind at North 
or South blows any thing hard is exceeding rough & very dangerous 
to a loaded Battoe. At the time of Our supposed Embarkation, there 
is great probability of high Winds and stormy Weather of Snow and 
in all likelyhood of some Ice; it would not be practicable to encamp 
on our Passage— it was always proposed to leave Our Tents behind. 


We shall at least be three Days & Nights on the Water with such a 
Body, are Our Battoes, are Our Men equal to the Chances against 
them, or rather to the Certainties. 

5. We have no Body in our Army nor I believe any one to be pro- 
cured, but from Our Enemies, who is well enough acquainted with 
the Landing near to Tionderogo (lor it begins at the Carrying Place) 
to know whether we could land any where but under the Enemy's 
Batteries; Tho' a Number of Men interior to the Enemy, Sc raw 
Troops, without Sword or Bayonet, uncovered by our own Artillery, 
exposed to the Enemy's great Guns & small Arms, in this Situation, 
would it not, all Circumstances considered, be a rash, ill-judged At- 

In order to indulge the Argument for our Proceeding; I have sup- 
posed We should be ready to embark in three Weeks from the Date 
hereof, whereas I am persuaded, with the utmost Dispatch, We can- 
not be ready under 4 Weeks from the Date hereof, & probably in not 
less than 5. I have supposed the Mens present Dispositions to be re- 
versed. I have not laid any great Stress on the Enemy's regular 
Troops, which, tho' held in Contempt by the ignorant, I think, where 
they have Ground to act on, are 5 to 1 against such as our's. To con- 
clude, I have granted a Variety of Particulars, which might, with 
more Reason be denied. 

Instead therefore of prosecuting the designed Enterprize at this 
Season of the Year, & in our Circumstances, I am of Opinion, that we 

1. With all possible Dispatch erect a respectable Fort at this im- 
portant Pass. Mount our heavy Cannon in it; Garrison it with 300, or 
350 chosen willing Men,— a good Commanding Officer, the others the 
best that can be got; 3 or 4 good Gunners, full 3 Months Provisions, & 
other Stores sufficient. The General would have had such a Fort near 
built before now, but his Council of War prevented. 

2. March with the rest of our Troops, Cannon &:c. to Fort Edward, 
compleat That, garrison it &c. 

3. That the Remainder of the Troops return Home (Sc if the Prov- 
inces have a Stomach for the Expedition next Year) hold themselves in 
Readiness, with better Officers, to march to Fort Edward, and hither 
by the 1st of April next. That they be augmented to 8000 Men, 5000 of 
which to proceed by Way of this Lake, R: 3000 to proceed by Wav of 
Wood Creek, & by Scouts across which is not above 14 Miles, so to cor- 
respond in their Motions, as to make, nearly at the same time, a double 
Attack upon Tionderogo. 


If this Winter affords Snow enough, the Provisions & Stores for these 
Troops may be brought to Albany upon Sledges, or to Fort Edward, & 
the future Fort here, which being a cheap & easy Method, will save a 
great deal of Money. 

4. That General Johnson, on his Return Home, keep out constant 
Parties of Indians, to observe the Motions of the Enemy, & white Men 
with them to view their Fortifications &c and if they should discover 
any Designs upon these Forts, to give immediate Intelligence there, & 
then put the County of Albany in Arms, to march to their Relief, which 
may be done in 24 Hours even to this. 

5. That General Johnson, on his Return Home, be also enabled 
to use His Power & Influence over our Confederate Indians, to prepare 
& induce greater Numbers to join us next Year, than did this, & to take 
further Measures to draw off the Cagnawagas from the French Interest. 

6. That the Prohibition of the Exportation of Provisions to Cape 
Breton, or any of the French West India Islands continue throughout 
the Colonies, & be strictly supported. That the Exportation to the 
Dutch, Danish, Spaniards & Our own Islands in the West Indies, be so 
restrained by the Colonies, & Our Governors in the West Indies so to 
co-operate therewith, that all Resources may, if possible, be cut off 
from the Enemy that Way.— If due Care is taken herein,— If the English 
Squadron, so long as the Season will permit,— continue to block up the 
Mouth of the River St. Lawrence; and the Exportation of Provisions 
from Ireland, in French Ships, be prevented— It is presumed Canada 
will not be able to support any additional Troops, or that those already 
there, and It's Inhabitants, will be greatly distressed to support their 
present Military Establishment, either this Way, or at Cadaraqui. 

7. Which should have been mentioned before; That Our Artillery 
be increased, and in all respects put on a more formidable & regular 

8. That Our Navigation on Lake Ontario be continued, & strength- 
ened; If the Designs that Way should not succeed, or be put to trial this 
Season, that, with the Junction of the regular Troops under Colonel 
Dunbar, those Measures may be vigorously prosecuted next Year. 

9. That Virginia, Maryland, and Pensilvania, keep Possession of 
Fort Cumberland, & exert Themselves next Spring, to make, at least a 
Diversion towards Fort du Quesne. 

Finally, That this Diversion from Fort Cumberland, the Operations 
from Oswego, & the Expedition this Way, be all put in Motion next 
Year about the same Time, and that there be a general Exertion 


throughout the Colonics, during the Suspension of Our Operations, to 
put Them all forward at the Time mentioned. 

In this Light Matters appear to me, and that Things are not at 
present ripe to strike the Shake. This Plan vigorously Conducted, if a 
War should be declared, I am of Opinion, the French Dominions in 
these Parts may be, if not totally, in a great Measure overset.— The 
British Indian Interest greatly over-ballance the French, and, by that 
Means, the invaluable Fur Trade, which is the whole Support of 
Canada, fall chiefly into Our Hands, and be greatly more than a Re- 
payment to the Colonies for all their Expences, besides enabling Them 
to cultivate their abandoned Lands, & those, which never will be set- 
tled, till these Events are in some Measure accomplished. 

A more favourable Period for destroying the ambitious Schemes of 
the French in North America, & extinguishing their growing Power, 
cannot be hoped for, than the present, & if neglected, or suffered to 
slip away, may never again be regained. 

Our Fleet must do their Part, &; if not sufficient (for I dont know 
their Strength) must be increased, particularly with 20 Gun Ships, for 
Cruizers, and must enter into the River St. Laurence, not only to 
intercept Succours, but to alarm Quebec, if the latter can be done in 
earnest, it will greatly facilitate all the other Operations. 


I am afraid I have been too tedious, and, perhaps, to little purpose. 
I design well, and thought I might be permitted to throw my Mite into 
the Stock, of Intelligence, from these Parts, at this critical and important 
Juncture. My Obligations to you, and my Experience of your Good- 
ness animated me, and is my Dependance for Pardon, if I have offended. 

This Letter has been wrote by peice-meal. The Post I act in, how- 
ever imperfectly fdled, not only leave me very little vacant time, but 
unfit me for that Composure and Attention, which I would always 
wish for, when I have the Honour to write you. 

I send you herewith a Sketch of Lake George, South Bay, and the 
Wood Creek, The three only passes from hence and Fort Edward to 
Tionderogo and Crown Point. I have never seen any correct Map. This 
is rather to illustrate some Parts of this Letter, than to ascertain Things 
with Accuracy. 

My Heart is truly grateful, and offers to your Acceptance its best 
Wishes most fervently. 

I am &c a 

Peter Wraxall. 


John Brewse 1 to the Board of Ordnance 


Halifax 18 th October 1755 

Right Hon ble and Hon ble Gentlemen 

As a body of Troops (to which I was joined) has been in motion this 
Summer in Nova Scotia, I humbly beg leave to give Your Honours 
some Account of their employment. 

In February last Colonel Lawrence our Lieutenant Governour com- 
municated to me His design of reducing the Fort of Beausejour to His 
Majesty's obedience and driving the French from the Isthmus of 
Chignecto, and the rest of their incroachinents in that neighbourhood; 
in consequence of this resolution, Lieutenant Colonel Monckton 2 was 
sent to Boston to procure Governour Shirley's Assistance in raiseing 
the Troops for the expedition, whilst at Halifax we were getting in 
readiness all the implements and the Stores for the Train of Artillery. 
On the 2 d of May we sailed from hence in three Vessels, with 50 men of 
Captain Broom's Company and the abovementioned Stores, and ar- 
rived the 9 th at Annapolis Royal. Colonel Monckton with the Troops 
and Battering Cannon arrived there the 26 th , under Convoy of three 
20 Gun Ships, and the i st of June we sailed for Chignecto, where we 
landed the 2 d and were joined by our Garrison, making in all 2000 Ir- 
regulars and 280 Regular Troops, on the 4 th the whole marched from 
Fort Lawrence with 4 Brass Field Pieces 6 Pounders, and flung a Bridge 
over the Mesaguash at Pont Buot, where a Body of French and Indians 
were posted in an Intrenchment with some small Cannon to oppose 
us, but were soon dislodged, and with little loss on our side. The Troops 
continued their March to a riseing Ground, within a mile and half 
of the French Fort, when the Enemy set Fire to the Village and Church. 
The next day we cleared the Woods for an Encampment from the rise- 

1 John Brewse was stationed at Halifax in 1749, and was serving as second engineer 
in Newfoundland when ordered on the Fort Beausejour expedition. As captain lieu- 
tenant, he was one of ten engineers at Louishourg in 1758. He became captain and 
engineer in ordinary in 1759. major in 1772, and as lieutenant colonel was chief 
engineer of Minorca after Mackellar's death in 1781. 

2 Monckton's journal of the siege of Fort Beausejour. of which the unique copy is 
among the Cumberland Papers, is printed in J. C. Webster, The Forts of Chignecto 

The maps on the following pages are reproductions of the second and third 
of John lirewse's drawings referred to in the text. They are from the Cumber- 
land Maps in the Royal Library at Windsor Castle. The original plan of Chig- 
necto measures 14 by 20% inches; that of Fort Beausejour iS'/s by 29 inches. 






' i 

i ■: ! ', : ! 


ing Ground beforementionecl in a Line to the Marsh, thro' which the 
River Mesagouache runs, and where the Vessels were to lye that con- 
tained the Stores and Provisions. From this time to the 12 th we con- 
tinued reconoitering and landing our Cannon, and on the evening of 
that day we dislodged a Body of French and Indians from the Ground 
on which the approaches were to be made. In this Affair Ensign Tongue 
was wounded; He was one of the three Officers appointed to assist me 
as Enginiers. We remained in possession of the Ground, but the in- 
trenching Tools not coming up 'till midnight it was impossible to 
undertake the work I had proposed, as we had but three hours till day- 
light, so that I traced a parallel of two hundred yards and lodged the 
Men in security, which was all we were able to effect, for the next morn- 
ing the Garrison kept an incessant Fire from six pieces of Cannon, 
however on the 14 th we run a Boyau or Trench of Approach to the 
Right, and the next night another to the Left. A thirteen Inch Mortar, 
and three of eight inches were placed on our left behind the parallel, 
which had the desired effect, for by ten in the morning on the 16 th 
the Commandant sent out to Capitulate, Articles were exchanged by 
seven in the Evening, and our Troops in Possession before dark. Colonel 
Monckton sent a Summons on the 17 th to the Commandant of Fort 
Gaspreau who desired to be included in the Capitulation and a Body 
of our Troops under Lieu 1 Colonel Winslow took possession on the 18 th . 

I now transmit to Your Honours four different plans, the first a 
general Draught of the Road cross the Isthmus from Beausejour to 
the Fort Gaspreau and the Bay Vert; the Second is a Plan compre- 
hending the space between the Forts and our passage at Pont Buot; the 
third shews the Fort and our Attack; and the fourth is a particular plan 
of the Fort itself which Your Honours may observe is a Pentagon and 
approaches to a regular construction, but so diminutive in all its parts 
[that] even the little Ditch there is cannot be seen from the Flanks, 
except thro' the Embrassures, the Rampart is Faced with Sods on a 
Plinth of dry Stone Work; on the Faces of the Bastions run a Line of 
Fraises to prevent an Escalade. The Merlons are Caisons of Timber 
filled with Earth. Above half the Buildings in the Fort were taken down 
to the Ground and the Roofs taken off the three that remained, the 
first of which is a Quarter for Officers of 73 by 35 feet, and the other two 
of 22 feet square each. The French Garrison lay in Casemates in the 
several Bastions, which are neither dry nor Bomb Proof. 

As to the situation of the Fort, it is advantageously placed on every 
side but that where we attacked, there the Ground rises gradually to the 
distance of 800 yards, and contains hollows covered with Rocks, which 


we immediately seized and posted our Regulars in them, who from 
thence could communicate with the right of the Parrallel. 

Since the Surrender of the Fort now Honoured with the Name of 
Cumberland, Transports have been employed to carry the whole Body 
of French Inhabitants intirely out of the Country, and the greatest part 
are already sailed. If my Services in this Business are approved by the 
Honble. Board, I shall think myself amply rewarded for the past, and 
highly encouraged to proceed in obedience to their Commands when- 
ever I shall be honoured by them. I am, 

Right Honble: and Honble Gentlemen, 

Your Honours most Dutiful and most Obedient humble Servant 

Jn° Brewse. 

Extract of a Letter from John Watts x to 

William Cotterell. 2 6 Nov R 1755 


Our Governor and Lieu 1 Gov r still continue at Albany, but their 
Stay will probably be but short, as the Season for Operations, as they 
call it, is pretty well over. M r Shirley is returning to Albany, without 
having attempted any one thing, with a Force of four or five & forty hun- 
dred men, a few Indians included, tho' Niagara was known to be ex- 
ceeding weak, in a ruinous Condition, and thinly garrison'd. Divisions & 
Sickness prevail'd in his little Army, instead of military Feats, and now I 
suppose it will take a whole winter to apologize both here and at home 
for the inactivity of the Summer, and to make the excessive, fruitless 
expence go down, it has cost the Nation.— Col Ellison died among 
many others, Cap 1 Desury of Pepperell's R: Cap 1 King of the Inde- 
pendants. Dunbar's Division (the Remains of Gen 1 Braddock's Army) 
are at Albany, sickly, in their Tents, whither M r Shirley order'd them 
without making any Preparation for their Reception. Gov r Hardy is 
building Barracks for them, but it is much to be fear'd many men will 
be lost before they are finish'd. 

It is imagined Gen 1 Johnson's chargeable army are stopt for this 
Season, the Troops are constantly coming & going ill arm'd, ill cloath'd 

1 For John Watts, a member of the New York council, see his letter-book in N. Y. 
Hist. Soc. Coll., 1928. 

- William Cotterell, a captain in the 45th, was the first provost martial of Nova 
Scotia, a member of the council there since October 23, 1752, and sometime acting 
secretary of the province. Loudoun gave him leave to retire in 1757, as his health 
was broken, and sent him to England to present to the ministry the arguments for 
Loudoun's decisions. 


& worse disciplined, some having served their time out, as they phrase 
it, and some commencing fresh men. Never to lie sure was such a motly 
Herd, almost every man his own master 8c a General. My Respects to 
Governor Lawrence 8ec. 

[Endorsed] Extract of M r Watts's Lre to Cap 1 Cottcrcll New York. 6 Nov 1 " 1755 

Extract of a Letter from Governor Sir Charles 

Hardy 1 to Halifax, Dated at Fort George 

the 27 of novr. 1755 


My last to your Lordship from Albany will have prepared you to 
receive an Account of the Failure of the Expedition form'd against 
Crown Point. I return'd to this City yesterday, after having used all 
means in my Power to enable them to move forwards: But on a due 
Consideration of the whole, I am of opinion, had the Army been in a 
Condition, as well as Inclination, to have gone forward after the Battle 
of the 8th of September, they would have found the Pass of Tionderoga, 
at the North end of the Lake George so well guarded, and so readily 
reinforced from the army at Crown Point, as would not only have 
rendred the Attempt very difficult, but greatly hazarded the Loss of the 
whole army. 

Thus, my Lord, have the whole Expeditions of this year ended, much, 
I fear, to the Disappointment of your Lordship and the Ministry. But 
I must beg your Lordship's Patience and Permission to lay before you 
some Truths, and suffer me to assure you what I now assert to you 
is without Prejudice to any; But I think it my Duty, after the Direc- 
tions your Lordship honour'd me with before I left Europe, to give you 
every true and fair Information of the State of things here, for your 
Lordship's knowledge, and as I do not doubt but you will receive 
other Accounts of the miscarriage of this Expedition, perhaps princi- 
pally design'd to blacken the Reputation of the Gentleman who had 
the Command of it, I think it but a Justice clue to him, to acquaint you 
what has pass'd under my own Observations. 

Your Lordship had the earliest Intelligence from me of my going to 
Albany; on my getting there, as well as during my Residence, I saw 
the necessity of keeping all the Waggons and Horses of this Country 

1 Sir Charles Hardy (d. 1780) had been in the navy since 173 1 . became rear admiral 
of the blue in 1756, and was governor of New York from 1755 to 1757, siding with 
the DeLancey faction. 


employ 'd in supplying that Army with Provisions (General Shirley's 
Expedition call'd upon me to assist His Commissaries with Carriages 
also). But the Reinforcements from the Massachusets & Connecticut 
arrived so quick, the first of which repair'd immediately to the Army, 
without any supply of Provisions being laid in for them, that it became 
impracticable for this Country to provide a sufficient number of Wag- 
gons & Horses to transport the necessary Quantity of Provisions & Stores 
for so large a Body of Men, for this reason the Connecticut Reinforce- 
ments were kept in and about Albany. This Difficulty I apprehend to 
be one principal Cause that the Army was not in a Condition to move, 
and a Difficulty it was that I could not with all my Efforts surmount, 
tho' I believe I may with truth say, had I not gone to Albany, Genl. 
Johnson would have been under a necessity of moving the greatest Part 
of his Forces to the City of Albany for Subsistance, and I am not at all 
clear that General Shirley might not have been under some such like 
Circumstances with his Forces. 

Your Lordship will see, had this been the Case, the whole Frontiers 
must have been open, and in consequence subject to the Incursions of 
the Enemy, an Advantage I think they would not have overlook'd. Add 
to this, that the Supply of Provisions and Stores, for these Reinforce- 
ments, did not arrive at Albany till many days after their Forces, that 
had we been furnish'd with Conveyances we had not the Provisions to 
send up. Thus much for Provisions to which I shall only add, that I 
was extremely glad to keep them so supplied as to enable them to main- 
tain their Camp. 

The Army under such Circumstances most certainly could not think 
of prosecuting the Expedition to the full, but, that they might not be 
wholly inactive, I recommended to General Johnson, & that repeatedly, 
to attempt removing the Enemy from their advanced Posts; The Gen- 
eral laid these Recommendations before his Council of War, but to 
little Effect. In short, my Lord, I shall tell your Lordship what I should 
not care to say publickly, that after the Battle and the Defeat of the 
Baron Dieskau, I firmly believe the army did not care to put themselves 
in the way of such another Bout, and I am as firmly persuaded that 
General Johnson would as readily have lead them to face the Enemy, 
had he been in a Condition to have done it. There are many other 
Circumstances, had they been sufficiently supplied, that impeded this 
army's moving, that are not worth troubling your Lordship with, and 
that may be comprized under Jealousies that arose after the Battle, and, 
I am led to think, were spirited up by some Chiefs in Command whose 
Conduct that day may not turn out so clear. But the principal Articles 


wanted were a suffict. number of Battoes for transporting the Army 
thro' the Lake, four hundred of which could not be carried from Fort 
Edward, with' taking the Waggons from transporting the Provisions, 
which was so immediately wanted, also flat bottom Scows for transport- 
ing the Artillery thro' the Lake, which were begun but never finish'd. 

Thus far, my Lord, I have endeavour'd to give the principal Causes 
of the miscarriage of this Expedition, & shall add no more upon this 
Subject, than that as your Lordship may imagine these Evils would not 
have appear'd had they been provided for in an early time, granted 
my Lord: But to that I beg leave to answer that the Expedition was 
concerted in a Hurry, without those necessary previous Considerations. 
It was expected that the Battoes sent up to Albany for this Service would 
have convey'd a sufficient Quantity of Provisions and Stores; in the 
first Place, they had not the Provisions and Stores at Albany, and 
secondly, I am inform'd the Waters of Hudson's River was then so low, 
that loaded Battoes could not be carried over the Rifts etc. By this your 
Lordship may see how we came to be under these Difficulties. 

I have transmitted to the Secretary of State Copies of Councils of 
War sent to me while at Albany, also a Copy of an Agreement at a meet- 
ing with Mr. Shirley, and Commissioners from the Massachusetts & Con- 
necticut, for garrisoning the Forts Edward at the great carrying Place, 
and Fort William Henry at the South end of Lake George, by which 
your Lordship may observe how unanimous they are, in not thinking 
it adviseable to attempt the Reduction of Crown Point this Season. I 
make no doubt but your lordship will hear the Provinces are not so 
well inclined to raise men for these Services next year. I am not at 
present sufficiently inform'd of their Disposition as to this matter: I 
shall endeavour to do all on my part in this Province. 

I am extremely sorry to find by our late Advices from England, that 
no General Officer is appointed to be sent here, to take the Command 
of His Majesty's Forces, and I hope I shall stand excused in saying, I 
have no Opinion of the Service's being carried on, with any prospect of 
Success, without some more able & experiene'd General is at the head 
of them, than this Continent furnishes. I by no means, my Lord, mean 
to insinuate anything to the Prejudice of General Shirley, from any 
hasty, misguided Opinion. Your Lordship has enjoin'd me to be sincere, 
and as a Lover of Truth I cannot be otherways, & think it my Duty to 
tell you, that it is a Task far beyond our present General's Abilities, 
and if your Lordship should have been told otherwise, I beg you will 
suspend your Judgment, & I am sure a short time will convince you of 
this Truth. 


I have had many Conversations with Mr. Shirley, 
Character of Major whom I left at Albany, and I must take leave to say I 
Gi Shirley never met his Equal to transact Business with. Let me 

entreat your Lordship not wholly to give Ear to his 
Representations, and however hard the Task is to reflect on any Gentle- 
man, the honour & respect I have for your Lordship oblige me to in- 
form you that / fear he is no better than an artfull Deceiver ready to 
advance any thing in his Representations of Things as Facts, when he is 
perhaps more a Stranger to the Facts he asserts than those he lays them 
before. It is impossible your Lordship and His Majesty's Ministers can 
be inform'd, if Truths are not the Foundations of such Informations: 
my Lord, I much doubt if that has been or is like to be the Case from 
that Quarter. The Scene of Confusion I left him in at Albany, is hardly 
to be credited. 

In some of my last Letters I mention'd to your Lordship his temporiz- 
ing with the Indians; I greatly fear that will be an Evil not easily to 
be removed, if not speedily remedied. As far as I can judge from the 
little Experience I have had in this Country, if the Indians are not 
committed to the Care of Johnson, and him supported in it, I shall have 
great doubt of our being able to have that Dependance on their sincere 
Services, so necessary for the Good of these Countries. I think I may 
venture to assure you that many of the Persons Mr. Shirley employs 
to transact Indian Affairs for him are meer ignorant Tools; as an 
instance of this, I must observe to your Lordship that his principal 
Indian Ambassador is Mr Broadstreet, who never saw one of the Castles 
till his going this year to Osivego, and now takes upon him to know 
more of the matter than any body in this Country. I will not assert it, 
but I have reason to believe these People have been employ 'd to with- 
draw Johnson's Influence from them. However of this I may soon be 
better able to inform your Lordship, as I have wrote to Johnson to 
stop at the Castles in his way from his Camp, and when he comes to 
me, I shall inform your Lordship of his opinion as to this matter. In 
short, my Lord, I fear the worst if his Majesty does not send out some 
able & experienced Officer to conduct his Troops. I have taken the 
Liberty to mention as much in my Letter to the Secretary of State from 
a thorough Conviction I can with great Truth support this opinion. 
And on the other Hand, if able R: experienced Generals arrive here, 
[in] time enough to make the necessary Preparations for the opening the 
Campaign, I shall hope his Majesty's Service may be carried on with a 
great Prospect of Success, & I trust the Provinces, under a Confidence of 


able Leaders, might be brought to contribute what is in their Power 
to the promoting these Services. 

I must entreat your Lordship's Forgiveness in being thus free, but 
there appears to me such a necessity of Truths being laid before you, 
that I could not forbear committing to Paper those Thoughts that my 
Heart would have dictated, had I the honour to be with you to acquaint 
you witli the deplorable Situation of these Countries, if the Troops of 
His Majesty are to be no better conducted than they will be under their 
present Leader. And I must beg leave to assure your Lordship that, 
after all I have said, I shall to the utmost of my Power, assist General 
Shirley in carrying on His Majesty's Service, though I must say I shall 
not be out of I lopes that your Lordship will use your Influence to have 
some proper Officer sent out. Mr Shirley has made a very able Governor 
of the Massachusetts, and I beg leave to offer it as my opinion, that he 
is much more able to do His Majesty Service in that Department, than 
at the Head of his Armies. 

Summary of Disputes between Governor 
William Shirley and General William Johnson. 

1755 ' 


There is no Letter from Gen 1 Johnson to the Secretary of State, but 
the Board of Trade have transmitted One to them, dated the 3 d Sepf; 
full of Complaints against Gov r Shirley, who has, as Gen 1 Johnson 
says, endeavour'd to do him all the Prejudice he can with the Indians; 
That He has represented him as an Upstart, entirely dependant upon 
him, &: that He furnishes him with all the Money &: Presents for the 
Indians, R: that He can pull him down, when He pleases. That M r 
Shirley employs one Lidius to the Indians, who is a Person odious to 
them. That M r Shirley in order to detach the Indians from M r Johnson, 
has made them such large Offers, that M r Johnson has been obliged to 
yield to very unreasonable Demands from them. 

In support of this, M r Johnson incloses the Speech of the Great Mo- 
hock Indian, 2 relating what M r Shirley had said to them. Gen 1 Johnson 

1 While the three letters summarized here are printed, in C. H. Lincoln, Cor- 
respondence of William Shirley, II, pp. 243-248, 309-310, 270-276, the way in which 
they were edited in the secretary of state's office seems worth reproducing. This docu- 
ment is in memorandum form. 

2 AT. Y. Col. Docs., VI, 998-999. 


thinks, these Proceedings contrary to the Commission given him by 
General Braddock, by which he was appointed sole Superintendant of 
the Indian Affairs. That He cannot fullfill the King's Expectations, if 
His proceedings are to be controulled by a Governor, & unless a certain 
Fund is appointed, & confided to his Disposal, for that Service, k unless 
he is put on that footing, He desires to decline the Charge. The only 
Reason he can guess for M r Shirley's Conduct is, his not having pro- 
vided 100: Indians to escort him to Osivego, which the Indians said 
was unnecessary as the Road lay thro' their Country. 

There is no Letter from M r Shirley, on this Subject, but, in One of 
the 5 th Ocl r on the Action at Lake George, He refers to Copies of two 
Letters to Gen 1 Joluison, for his Sentiments of his Conduct, & says, He 
dont yet certainly know, what the Issue of that Expedition will be this 
Year, but has Reason to think it will be dissatisfactory to all the New 
England Colonies as well as Himself. 

In M r Shirley's Letter to Gen 1 Johnson, He does not make any par- 
ticular Accusation, but seems to hint, that He has taken a wrong Road 
to Crown Point, 

That the Fort he is building at Lake George is useless, Presses him 
to go on, & by all means endeavour to make himself Master of Tiron- 

Thinks he must have sufficient Force for that purpose; That his Ac- 
count of the 'Strength of the French is aggravated; And differs from 
him in his Opinion of the Conduct of the French in the late Action. 

Governor Charles Lawrence to Halifax 

My Lord, 

Since my Letter to your Lordship of the 18 th of October, by the hands 
of Adm 1 Boscawen, I have had the Honour to receive your Lordship's 
most obliging Favour dated in August, full of the highest Encomiums 
on my Conduct & management; My Lord, I am happy, excessively so, 
in what you are good enough to think 8c say of me, nor is any thing 
wanting to make me compleatly so, but a Consciousness of having in 
truth merited half the Praise your Lordship's Partiality in my favour 
has conferr'd upon me, for I should then be secure of that which is the 
highest Point of my Ambition, the Continuance of your Lordship's 
Approbation and Applause, & consequently of your Countenance and 
Protection. I wish to God I could give myself Credit for having crown'd 


your Ldsp's Labours, for the happy Establishment of this Province, 
with Success; That indeed would be to have gain'd such Glory and 
Advantages as your Goodness would attribute to me: But I fear a con- 
siderable part of so great a Work is yet to be accomplish'd. The Pros- 
pect may, I think, fairly be said to be now open that leads to Success, 
and no Circumstance in my Opinion, my Lord, brightens it more than 
that happy, tho' expensive one of extirpating those perfidious Wretches, 
the French Neutrals, some of which that have escaped Us being even 
still audacious enough to declare that the French will infallibly 
make themselves masters of the Province the next Spring. I must con- 
fess I am not without my Apprehensions of their attempting it, for 
altho' the Removal of the Neutrals with the Loss of Beausejour and their 
other Possessions, must have extremely disconcerted their measures 
to the Northward, and rendred their Views within this Province much 
less valuable, yet as our Military Operations to the Westward (if Credit 
can be given to the inclosed Letter & Extracts) have amounted to little 
more than the levying & disbanding of Troops, the French, who at first 
perhaps trembled for Quebec, will now certainly (when they find 
Crown Point R: Niagara out of danger) meditate some Revenge upon 
Nova Scotia for any little Efforts of Ours to gall them. And this Con- 
sideration, my Lord, leads me to renew my Application regarding the 
Augmentation to be made to the Troops: The Officers recruiting on 
the Continent having met with every Obstacle the People could throw 
in their way (an Event I was apprized of & prepared for) have hitherto 
made little or no Progress, nor can I at present flatter myself with any 
sanguine hopes of our succeeding better here amongst the New Eng- 
land Irregulars, as a thousand Stories are daily propagated by their 
Officers to discourage their becoming Soldiers. The Meth[od] of this 
will appear pretty clearly from the publick Prints upon the Continent, 
and more fully still from Lieut. Gov r Phipps's Lie [letter] and the Vote 
of their House, which, false as their Suggestions are, I inclose for your 
Lordship's Perusal. But if We have the Resentm 1 of the French to 
apprehend, and are at the same time without any Prospect of accom- 
plishing what will be so essential to Our Security, the Augmentation 
to the Troops, more especially when the New-Englanders (who will 
serve not a moment beyond their Term) are dismissal, I beg leave to 
say, my Lord, if this be the Case, We have nothing to depend upon 
but the Expedient I proposed and pray'd your Lordship's Consideration 
of in my last, the compleating the Regiments here by Draughts from 
those at home. I cannot quit this Subject, my Lord, without assuring 
you again that I fear the Divisions which We are told subsist between 


the Colonies, and the Disappointment of their Hopes & Expectations 
from those Expeditions for which they have rais'd & maintain'd at great 
Expence such numbers of men, will render the Difficulties insuperable 
that any future Attempt must meet with, to unite the Provinces in new 
Enterprizes against the French in the ensuing Spring: And when the 
French have no longer any thing on their Hands to the Westward, it 
will require a very considerable additional Strength to our present one, 
to secure Our safety here to the Northward, where we are a Frontier, 
and the immediate Object of their Envy & Resentm*. 

I doubt not but your Lordship's Board will approve and carry thro', 
the Estimate for finishing the Fortifications on George's Island, with- 
out which this Town would be much more secure, were there no such 
plan'd, since in the present State & Condition of it, nothing would be 
easier than for an Enemy even of inconsiderable Force to make them- 
selves Masters of it, turn the Guns upon the Town & beat it about Our 
Ears, without having any thing to apprehend. As the Removal of the 
French Inhabitants has proved a Work of much more Trouble & Time 
than could be imagined, so great a Progress has not been made as I 
could have wish'd in the necessary works & repairs about the Forts on 
the Isthmus of Chignecto, wherefore I cannot as yet well ascertain 
what the Expence there will amount to, but, if I am not extremely 
mistaken, the ten thousand Pounds, transmitted by order of the Lords 
Justices, will be abundantly sufficient for answering all the Ends pro- 
posed from it. In which Case I intend (upon the Strength of Sir Thomas 
Robinson's Letter, which is clear as to the repairing & securing what- 
ever We have taken or, in his own words, may take) to possess ourselves 
of St. John's River, and repair the Fortifications in the Spring, if I 
have Strength to undertake it. Nothing, my Lord, is more necessary; 
nothing will contribute in so great a degree either to our own Security 
or to the Annoyance of the French, in case of a Rupture, as a good 
Fort in the Heart of the St. John's Indians, who are a warlike well- 
spirited Tribe, who are the Terror of the Micmacs, our nearest neigh- 
bours, and who, I conceive, with a little Address may, whilst the 
Imposition of Canada live fresh in their memory, be easily brought to 
abandon the French and attach themselves entirely to Our Interest, 
whereas if they are now neglected, they are probably lost for ever. 

There is nothing I find myself so perplex'd about, as the Business 
of calling an Assembly. The present Posture & Situation of Our pro- 
vincial Affairs, the uncertain Event of the Differences between Us and 
our treacherous neighbours, with a thousand other untoward Circum- 
stances render in my Opinion all Proposals and Projects for an As- 


scmbly at this critical Conjuncture chimerical. But as I have laid my 
Thoughts at large on this matter before your Lordship's Board, in 
Obedience to their Commands, I shall make no further mention of it 
here, than to entreat, my Lord, that, if possible, every Consideration 
of that sort may be dispensed with for the present, and give way to 
Matters of more immediate Utility and at least of as much real Im- 
portance to the Wellfare & Prosperity of the Province. For I know 
nothing so likely to obstruct and disconcert all Measures for the publick 
Good, as the foolish Squabbles that are attendant upon Elections & the 
impertin* Opinions that will be propagated afterwards amongst the 
Multitude by Persons qualified, in their own Imaginations only, as 
able Politicians. I am morally certain, my Lord, that if an Assembly 
(supposing it practicable) had been call'd a twelve month ago, every 
thing that has been undertaken within that time would have remain'd 
unattempted, and the Province, if not in the Possession of the French, 
at least a much easier Prey than they will ever find it for the future, 
unless I flatter myself extremely. 

If on this or any other Occasion, either to your Lordship or the 
Board, I have been guilty of any Omission as to Points that should 
have been wrote upon, or the Explanation of them, I promise myself 
your Lordship's Goodness, in consideration of the Multiplicity of 
troublesome things I have had lately on my Hands, will hold me in 
some measure excused. As to every thing hitherto done, or that will 
hereafter be undertaken, whilst I have the honour to be entrusted 
with this important Charge, my Lord, do me the Justice to beleive 
that I will not only act at all times with the strictest Justice & Integrity 
myself, as well as with all imaginable Care & Oeconomy, but will keep 
a constant & vigilant Eye over such as are any way concern'd in the 
expenditure of the publick money. By such a Conduct and by that 
alone I persuade myself I shall preserve the Continuance of your Lord- 
ships favour & Friendship, and the Liberty of subscribing myself most 

My Lord &c fcc 

Cha s Lawrence. 
Halifax, Dec r 9. 1755 


Considerations upon the Scite, Interests, and Service 
of North America, by Thomas Pownall 1 


THE following Paper proposes to consider 

First— The Scite of the Country 

Secondly— The Interests of the Possessions & Settlements as the Basis 

Thirdly— of the State of the Service in America 

It becomes necessary to a right Understanding of these to recurr 
back & run up to the First Principles on which they are founded, not 
only because the Subject is New; but because It has been misconceived, 
Perverted Sc Misrepresented. 

i st PRIOR to any Observations on the Settlers & 

Settlements, it will be necessary to take some Notice of the peculiar 
State & Scite of the Countries in which they have settled; For it is the 
Scite & Circumstances (I mean those that are unchangeable) of a Coun- 
try which give the Characteristic Form, to the State & Nature of the 
People who inhabit it. 

The Consideration of the Continent of America may be properly 
divided into two Parts from the Two very different &: distinct Ideas that 
the Face of the Country presents, but more especially from the Two 
different Effects which must necessarily & have actually arisen from the 
Two very different Sorts of Circumstances in each Tract of Country. 

All the Continent of North America as far as known to the Europeans 
is to the Westward of the endless Mountains a High Level Plain. All to 
the South East of these Mountaines slopes away South Easterly down to 
the Atlantick Ocean. By a level Plain I must not be understood as 
tho' I thought there were no Hills or Vallies or Mountaines in such, 
but that the Plain of a Section parallel to the Main Face of the Country 
would be nearly an Horizontal Plain; as the Plain of a like Section 
of this other Part would be inclined to the Horizon with a large Slope 

i Thomas Pownall (1722-1805), after some years in the Board of Trade office, went 
to New York in 1753 as Governor Oshorn's secretary. After the governor's suicide, he 
remained to study the colonial situation as a whole, presented several papers to the 
Albany Conference in 1754, returned to England in 1756 to present Johnson's side 
of the dispute with Shirley, and came out with Loudoun as the latter's secretary 
extraordinary. In 1750 Loudoun sent him to England to present his case before the 
ministry, and in 1757 Pownall returned as governor of Massachusetts, having won 
Pitt's confidence. This paper is the original draft of the report to Cumberland which 
Pownall expanded for publication in the Administration of the Colonics (1774), II, 


to the Atlantic Ocean. The Line that divides these Two Tracts, that 
is the South East Edge of these Plains or the highest Part of this Slope, 
may in general be said to run from Onondaga along the Westermost 
Alleganni Ridge of the Endless Mountains away to Apalatche in the 
Gulf of Mexico. 

In considering First the main Continent high Plain; It will appear 
that altho' it be raised thus high above the level of the Ocean, Yet the 
Element of Water seems to claim 8; hold a equall Dominion with the 
Land in this Extent. For by the Great Lakes which lye upon it's 
Bosom, on One Hand, 8c on the other by the Great River the Messesippi 
& the Multitude of Waters which run into it there seems to be a 
Communication an Alliance or Dominion of the watery Elements which 
commands thro'out the Whole. These great Lakes appear to be the 
Throne 8: Center of a Dominion whose Influence by an Infinitude of 
Rivers Creeks & Streams extends itself thro' all 8: every Part, sup- 
ported by the Connection 8: Communication of an Alliance with the 
Waters of Messesippi. 

With very few exceptions in Comparison to the Whole, it may be 
observed, that this Multitude of Waters is properly speaking but of 
Two Masses. The One composed of the Waters of the Lakes 8: their 
Suit, which disembogue by the River S l Lawrence. The other that 
Wilderness of Waters that all lead into the Messesippi & thence to the 
Ocean. The Former into the Gulf of S l Lawrence, the Latter into the 
Gulf of Mexico. 

There is not in all the Waters of Messesippi at least as far as We 
Know but Two Falls of Waters, The One at a Place called by the 
French S* Antoine high upon the West or main Branch of Messesippi; 
The other on the East Branch called Ohio. Except these 8c the Tem- 
porary Rapidity arising from the Freshes of Spring & the Rainy Seasons 
all the Waters of the Messesippi run to the Ocean with a Still, Easy 8c 
Gentle Current. 

As to all the Waters of the Five great Lakes, 8c the many large 
Rivers that empty into them; The Waters of the Great Outawawa 
River, The Waters of Lake Champlain, of Trois Riviers, 8: the many 
others that empty into the River S* Lawrence above Quebec, they may 
all be considered in One Mass as a Stagnation or Lake of a Wildernesse 
of Waters spreading over the Country by an infinite Multitude 8c 
Variety of Branchings Bays Straits 8:c a ; For altho' at particular Places 
of their Communication 8c mouth of their Streams, they seem to pour 
out such an immense Ocean of Waters, Yet when all collected & as- 
sembled together at a general Rendevouz where they all disembogue 


themselves into River S l Lawrence, the whole Embocheur of this Multi- 
tude of Waters is not larger than the Seine at Paris. 

About 12 French Leagues above Quebec over against a Place called 
La Loubiniere, The River S* Lawrence appears to be of a very con- 
siderable Breadth; But when the Tide (which runs up much higher 
than that Place) has at it's Ebb entirely retired That Breadth which 
One would have judged to have been That of S l Lawrence River, 
remains all Dry except a small Channell in the middle which does not 
appear to be much larger than the Seine at Paris, nor the Waters of it 
that pass there to have more or a greater Current. 

Not only the Lesser Waters of each respective Mass, but the main 
general Body of each go thro' this Continent in every Course & Direction. 

Attention to these general Facts will lead any One to Know that 
this great Extent of Country is as I have defined it a high level Plain 
& a more curious & accurate Scrutiny into the particular Facts whence 
these general Observations are formed, will confirm him in that 

If You add still farther to these Observations the Information We 
have of those immense unwooded & unwatered Plains that to the West- 
ward of Messesippi extend still farther Westward than any European 
or Indian has penetrated them the Thing will appear in a stronger 
& fuller Light. 

If We give Attention to the Nature of this Country, & the One united 
Command & Dominion which the Waters hold thro'out the same, We 
shall not be surprized to find the French (tho' so few in Number) in 
Possession of a Power which commands this Country. Nor on the 
other Hand, when We come to consider the Nature of this eastern Part 
of America, on which the English are settled, if we give any Degree of 
Attention to the Facts, shall we be surprised to find them, tho' so 
numerous, to have so little & so languid a Power of Command, even 
within the Country where they are actually settled. I say a very strong 
Reason for this Fact arises out of the different Natures of the Country, 
Prior to any Consideration of the Difference arising from the Nature 
of their Government or their Method of taking this Possession. 

This Country by a Communication of Waters that is extended 
thro'out, & by an Alliance of all these into a One Whole is capable of 
being & is naturally, a Foundation of a One System of Command. And 
accordingly such a System would & has actually taken Root therein, 
under the French Hands. Their various Possessions thro'out this Coun- 
try, have an Order & Connection, & Communication an Unity a 
System. & is forming Fast into One Government as will be seen by & by. 


Whereas the English Settlements have naturally neither Order Con- 
nection, Communication Unity nor System. 

The Waters of this Tract on which the English are settled are a 
Number of Rivers & Bays unconnected with &: independent of each 
other, either in Interest or Communication 

As far as the Communication of the Waters of any River, or Com- 
munion there may be between Two such extends, so far extended 
will arise a Communication Unity or System of Interest & Command. 
And therefore the Settlements on this Tract of Country would be 
naturally, as they are actually, divided into Numbers of little weak 
unconnected independent Governments. 

Which State & Circumstances of these our Settlements are also equally 
Consequences of the Scite &: Nature of the Country on which they are 
found prior to, or apart of all Considerations of the Effect of Gov- 
ernment or Administration. 

The Consideration of which Country so far as it is connected with, 
or has any Effect upon the Interests k Politicks of the English Settle- 
ments, presents itself to View; divided in Two Ideas. i st . . . The 
Country between the Sea &; Mountains. 2 dly : . . . The Mountains 

The First Part is almost thro'out the Whole capable of Culture & 
is intirely settled. The Second a Wilderness in which is found here & 
there, in smal Portions, in Comparison of the whole, solitary detached 
Spots of Ground fit for Settlements, the Rest is Nothing but Cover for 
Vermin 8c Rapine, a Nest & Den for wild Beasts & the more wild Sav- 
ages that lurk in it 

This whole Country instead of being united & strengthened by the 
Alliance of Waters which run in it, is divided by these several various 
Waters detached from & independent of each other, into many separate 
detached Tracts, that do naturally & have actually become the Founda- 
tion of as many separate & Independent Interests, on which many & 
Independent Governments have been formed. 

Thus far of the Scite of the Country as it becomes the actual Founda- 
tion of a Natural Difference between the English & French Possessions 
in America. 

Secondly of the Manner in which the English & French have 

taken Possession of, & settled in this, Country. 

The French in their First Attempts to settle themselves in these 
Parts endeavoured to penetrate by the Force of Arms, to fix their 
Possessions by Military Expeditions, 'till thro' the perpetual & con- 


stant Abortion of these Measures, & the certain Disappointment & sure 
Loss that attended Them, they thro' a Kind of Despair, gave over all 
thoughts of such 

Whether by the dear bought Experience that they learnt from hence, 
or whether thro' Despair leaving their Colony to make its own Way, 
or whether, rather the right good Sense of Mo n Frontenac & M r Calliere 
lead them to it is neither easy nor material to determine 

But so it was, They fell afterwards into that only Path in which the 
real Spirit & Nature of the Service led. 

The native Inhabitants, the Indians, of this Country, are all Hunters, 
all the Laws of Nations they know are the Laws of Sporting, & all the 
Idea they have of Landed Possession that of a Hunt, The French Set- 
tlers of Canada universally commenced Hunters, & so insinuated them- 
selves into a Connection with these Natives. 

While the French kept themselves thus allied with the Indians as 
Hunters & communicated with them in, & strictly maintained all the 
Laws & Rights of Sporting, The Indians did easily & readily admit 
them to a local Landed Possession. A Grant which rightly acquired 
& applied they are always ready to make, as none of the Rights or 
Interests of their Nation is hurt by it; but on the contrary, they ex- 
perience & receive great Use Benefit & Profit from the Commerce that 
the Europeans therein establish with them. But this will more clearly 
& better appear by a more minute & particular Attention to the French 
Measures in those Matters. 

i No Canadien is suffered to hunt or Trade with the Indians 

but by Conge from the Governm* & under such Regulations as that 
License ordains. The Police [Policy] of which, is this, The Govern- 
ment divides the indian Countries into so many Hunts according as 
they are divided by the Indians themselves. To those several Hunts 
there are Licences respectively adapted, with Regulations respecting 
the Spirit of the Nation whose Hunt such is, respecting the Commerce 
& Interest of that Nation, & respecting the Nature of that Hunt. 

The Canadien having such License ought not to trade & hunt within 
the Limits of such Hunt, but according to the above Regulations, And 
he is hereby absolutely excluded under severe Penalties to trade or 
hunt beyond those Limits on any Account whatsoever. It were needless 
to point out the many good and beneficial Effects arising from this 
Police, by giving thus a right Attention to the Interest of the Indian, 
in observing the true Spirit of the Alliance, in putting the Trade upon 
a fair Foundation, & by maintaining all the Rights & Laws of the Hunt 
which the Indians most indispensably exact. 


But the Consequence, of the most important Service which arises out 
of this Police; is, a regular, Certain, Definitive, Precise & assured Knowl- 
edge of the Country. 

A Man whose Interest & Commerce arc circumscribed within a cer- 
tain Department will pry into R: scrutinize every Hole & Corner, of that 
Endroit. Again when such a Hunt is by these Means as full of these 
Coarears de Bois as the Commerce of it will bear, whoever applies for 
a Conge must betake himself to some New Tract & Hunt, by which 
again begins an Opening to new Discoveries, Sc fresh Acquisitions. 

When the French have by these Means established a Hunt, a Com- 
merce, Alliance & Influence amongst the Indians of that Tract, & have 
by these Means acquired a Knowledge of all the Waters, Passes, Portages, 
& Posts that may hold the Command of that Country, in short a Military 
Knowledge of the Ground, then & not before, they ask &: obtain Leave 
of the Indians to strengthen their Trading House to make a Fort & 
to put a Garrison into it 

In this Manner by becoming Hunters 8: creating Alliances with the 
Indians as Brother Sportsmen by founding that Alliance upon 2c main- 
taining it (according to the true Spirit of the Indian Laws of Nations) 
a right Communication & Exercise of the True Interest of the Hunt, 
they have insinuated themselves into an Influence with the Indians, 
have been admitted into a Landed Possession, & by locating & fixing 
those Possessions in Alliance with &: by the friendly Guidance of the 
Waters whose Influence extends thro'out the whole They are become 
possessed of a real Interest in, & real Command over the Country. They 
have thus thro'out the Country 60. or 70. Forts, & almost as many 
Settlements, which influence the Command of this Country, not One of 
which without the above true Spirit of Policy could they support with 
all the Expence & Force of Canada. Not all the Power of France 
could, 'tis the Indian Interest alone that does maintain these Forts. 

Having thus got Ground in any certain Tract, fc having One Principal 
Fort, they get Leave to build other trading Houses, at Length to 
strengthen such, & in Fine to take Possession of more & more advanced 
Posts, & to fortifie and Garrison them as little Subordinate Forts under 
the Command of the Principal One 

I have not been able to get an exact List of these but the following 
is sufficient to sketch out the Manner in which they conduct this Service. 

i6 4 

S 4 Frederic 



De Quesne 
Le Detroit 



S 4 John 


La Presentation 

Les Condres 


Torento & 

One other 


Riviere au Boeuf 

One other 


Two or Three upon 

the River 


One Other on Long 


Tho' these Principal 
Forts have subordi- 
nate Forts independ- 
ent on them; They are 
Yet independent of 
each other & only un- 
der the Command of 
the Gov r Gen 1 : There 
is a Rout of Duty set- 
Michipo- tied for these & the Of- 
ficers & Comanders 
are removed to better 
& better Commands. 

S l Joseph & One other 
Le Petit Paris 

Many more which 
bear the Names of the 
Saquenay. In all about 60. 

The present Establishment for this Service is Three Thousand Men 
of which there are generally Two Thousand Three or Four Hundred 
Men Effective. 

Most of these Forts have fine Settlements & large Stores round them, 
& they do I believe entirely support themselves. It being usual for both 
Officers 8c Men to defer receiving their Pay 'till the Garrison is releived 
which is generaly in Six Years. And scarse any thing is sent to these 
Garrisons but dry Goods & Ammunition. 

There is a fine Settlement at Detroit of near Two Hundred Families: 
a better still at S ( Joseph of above Two Hundred; a Fine One at S* Antoin 
&; many fine Ones about Petit Paris. But the French Government does 
not encourage these, & have, by a positive Ordonnance absolutely forbid 
any One to make a Settlement without especial License which They 
found necessary to do to restrain the Canadians from totallv abandon- 
ing Canada. 

By these Means, I repeat it, have they created an Alliance, an Interest 
with all the Indians on the Continent: by these means have they ac- 
quired an Influence & Command thro'out the Country. They Know 
too well the Spirit of the Indian Politicks to affect a Superiority of 


Government over the Indians; Yet they have in Reality & Truth, of 
more solid Effect an Influence an Ascendency in all the Councils of 
all the Indians on the Continent & lead & direct their Measures, Not 
even Our Own Allies the Six Nations excepted. Unless in that Remains 
of Our Interest which partly the good Effects of Our Trading House 
at Oswego & partly Gen 1 Johnson has preserved to the English by the 
great Esteem 8c high Opinion the Indians have of His Spirit & Truth. 

The English American Provinces are as fine Settlements as any in 
the World, but can scarce be called Possessions because they are so 
settled as to have no Possession of the Country. They are settled as 
Farmers Millers Fishers Sec 8 upon Bays 8c Rivers that have no Com- 
munication nor Connection of Interests consequently the Settlers be- 
longing to these Rivers Bays 8ec" have no Natural Connection. 

But farther the Settlers upon any One River or Sett of Waters (which 
Waters having a Connection might become the Natural Seal of One 
Interest) are yet so settled that they have no Connection nor Union 
amongst each other scarce of Communion much less of Defence. 

Their Settlements are Vag[u]e without Design, scattered, Independ- 
ent, They are so settled, that from their Situation 'tis not easy for them 
to unite in a System of Mutual Defense, nor does their Interest lead 
them to such a System, & even if both did, Yet thro' the Want of a 
Police to form them into a Community of Alliance Unity & Activity 
amongst Themselves they are Helpless & Defenseless & thus have the 
English of this Sort for many Hundred Miles a long indefensible Line 
of Frontiers prior to the Consideration of the Nature of the Enemy 
they may be engaged with. 

First. The French can collect in a short Warning at any Time, in any 
of their advanced Posts a Force sufficient to break up the Settlements 
& return again within their Lines before any Force can be collected to 
attack them. 

But there is something more particularly critical in the Situation of 
the English Settlements with Respect to the Indians. 

The English are settled up to Mountains the very Mouth of the 
Denns of these Savages; in which Situation the Building a Line of 
Forts as a Barrier against them would be as little effectual as building 
a Line of Forts to prevent the Bears Wolves & Foxes from coming 
within them. 

Thirdly. . . The State of the Service as arising from the above Facts 

It appears from the First Stroke of the Eye, That the English without 
some preparative Measures, will not be able to carry into Execution 


any Military Expeditions, ag l the French, in the upper 
The French Power Part of America. 

will as dungs are The First °^ tnese Measures is the Settling the Po- 

now circumstanced lice of Our Alliance with the (Kenunctioni) Confed- 
prove too Strong for , . , n „ , _ 

the English. ceracy upon a permanent solid & effectual Basis; so 

as to restore and reestablish Our Interest with them. 

The Second is taking Possession of & Fortifiing such a System of 
advanced Posts. Viz: Magazines whereat to collect Stores & Provisions, 
Camps from whence within a reasonable Distance & by a practicable 
Way to make Our Sorties. 

Thirdly the securing the Dominion of Lake Ontario for the present 
& laying a Foundation for the like Dominion on Lakes Erie Huron fe 

The First of which has not yet even a Thought of a Foundation, 
and the Two other far from being carried into an Effect that can be 
sufficiently depended upon so as to build upon them a well grounded 
Scheme of Action. 

It also appears from the above that the English Settlements as they 
are at present circumstanced are absolutely at a Stand, they are settled 
up to the Mountains, & in the Mountains, there is no where together 
Land sufficient for a Settlement large enough to subsist by itself, to 
defend itself 8c preserve a Communication with the Present Settlements. 

If the English would advance One Step farther, or cover themselves 
where they are, it must be at Once by One large Step over the Mountains 
with a numerous & Military Colony 

There are a farther Detail of Matters arising from the above State of 
Facts but too minute 8c particular to enter into this general Idea. 

T. Pownall 

[Endorsed] M r Pownall's Considerations upon the Scite, Interests and Serv- 
ice of North America. 1755. 

Troops in the Pay of the Province of 

Pennsylvania and Where Posted. 

February 23° 1756 x 


Capt. John Potter with 50 Near the Maryland Lines where 

he is to build a small Fort. 

1 This document came into Cumberland's possession in connection with the dis- 
cussion in London offices, early in 1756, of the advisability of parliamentary action 
towards Pennsylvania. See W. T. Root, Relations of Pennsylvania with the British 
Government, Ch. X; S. M. Pargellis, Lord Loudoun in North America, pp. 56-57. 


Capt. Hans Hamilton with . . . 75 At Fort Littleton near the Sugar 

Capt. George Croghan with ... 75 At Fort Shirley near Aughwick. 
Capt James Burd with 75 At Fort Granville near Kishyquo- 

hillis a branch of the Juniata. 
Capt James Patterson with . . 75 At Pomfret Castle about 15 Miles 

from Fort Granville & 1 2 from the 

River Sasquehanna 
Capt Thomas M c Kee with ... 30 At Hunters Mill. 
Capt Frederick Smith with . . 50 20 at Monaday & 30 at Swahatara 
Capt Christian Busse with ... 50 At Fort Henry in the important 

Pass called Tolikaio. 
These Men have been regularly inlisted by the Governor in the Kings 
Service, for a certain time, to serve within the Province of Pennsylvania, 
& the Provinces bordering upon it. 

Capt Jacob Morgan with .... 50 At Fort Lebanon in the Forks of 

Schuylkill, he is ordered with 30 
of his Men to erect a Blockhouse 
halfway between Fort Henry & 
Fort Lebanon. 

Capt Foulke with 63 Posted at a new Stuccado between 

Fort Lebanon and Fort Allen. 

Capt Wayne with 50 Posted at Fort Allen which stands 

where the Moravian Town of 
Gnadenhutton was. 

Capt Orndt with 50 At a new Stuccado about 12 Miles 

East of Fort Allen. 

Capt Craig with 41 At Fort Hamilton about 5 Miles 

from Delaware. 

Capt Van Etten with 30 At the Minisinks. 

Lieutenant Wetterhold with . . 26 At a new Stuccado round Broad- 
head's House near Minisinks. 

Ensign Sterling and 11 At a Stuccado round Teets house 

at the Wind Gap. 

A Serjeant and 5 At Uplinger's House. 

An Ensign with 15 At Druckers Mill. 

A Lieutenant with 15 In Allen Township. 

Capt Trexler with 53 Within the Mountains. 

Capt Martin with 30 In the Settlements above Easton. 

These were inlisted, bv the Commissioners named in the Act, as Militia. 



List of Applications for Stores 



New Hampshire— For a Strong Fort to be built at the Head of Con- 
necticut River and a Communication opened 
from thence to the East Side of Lake Champlain. 
For a Naval Force to be built on Lake Champlain. 
For Fort William and Mary and the several Bat- 
terys to be put in good Repair and the Cannon 
unfit for Service to be exchanged. 
For a Uniform Set of Arms for a certain Number 
of Horse & Foot to be placed in the said Fort to 
be used occasionally and for Barracks to be built 
for at least 1000 Men. 

Rhode Island— For so many Cannon Mortars and Field Pieces as 

may be sufficient for the Fort there and its Ap- 
pendages with the usual proportion of Ordnance 
Stores, and such a Quantity of Small Arms and 
Powder as to His Majesty shall seem meet. 

New York— For Cannon and Stores for the New Works al- 

ready built and such others as it will be necessary 
to build, and also Cannon of a smaller Size for 
Out Forts and Blockhouses, and for Forts in the 
Indian Castles. 

Virginia— For Fort George, York Battery and Gloucester 

Fort to be rebuilt under the Direction of a skilful 
Engineer and supplied with Cannon and Stores. 
For a Fort to be built at Cape Henry and supplied 
with Cannon and Stores, and for Forts to be built 
along the Ridge of the Allegany Mountains at the 
Passes and Garrisoned with a competent Number 
of Soldiers. 

Georgia— For Forts to be erected and supplied with Cannon 

and Stores and Garrisoned with regular Forces 
and for Two Troops of Rangers. 

Jamaica— For the Regiment now there to be augmented 

to 1000 Men and another Regiment to be sent 

1 This is a summary of the Board of Trade representation of May 11 referred to 
the committee of the Privy Council May 17, 1756. Acts Privy Council, Colonial, 1745- 
'7 66 > P- 335- 


thither together with a Supply of Ordnance Small 
Arms Stores and an Engineer. 

Leeward Islands— For a Strong Squadron to be sent thither, the Reg- 
iment to be augmented and the Men allowed the 
Navy Allowance and for a Sum of Money to be 
granted to the Island of Antigua for compleating 
the Barracks. 

For the Fortifications at English Harbour in An- 
tigua to be repaired and kept up. 

Virgin Islands— For a Small Ship of War to be Stationed there and 

for a Supply of Cannon Ammunition and Small 

North Carolina— Two Reports of the Board of Ordnance with 
Estimates of the Expence of Stores for Fort John- 
son and of Thirty Barrels of Gunpowder and a 
proportionable Quantity of Balls. 

New Jersey— No Fortification or Place of Defence in the Prov- 

ince, nor any Cannon Small Arms or Military 
Stores belonging thereto. 

Pensilvania— The Gov r represents that this Province is in no 

Condition to defend itself, but must fall an easy 
Prey to almost any Invader, without the British 
Parliament interposes and by proper Laws estab- 
lishes Order & Discipline amongst the People. 

[Endorsed] List of Applications for Stores &c a for the Several Colonies of 
North America. May, 17 $6. 

Captain William Eyre to Robert Napier 


Schenectady, i st May 1756 
Dear Sir 

Inclosed I send you a Plan and Sections of Fort William-Henry, which 
will shew the Construction of that Fort better than that I gave M r Pow- 
nall for your perusual, which no doubt you have seen before this Time. 

I have made a Design by General Shirleys order for the further 
strengthening of Fort Edward, which I sent him to Boston, a Copy of 
which I gave to the Government of this Province by S r Charles Hardy's 
desire, and shall by the Next Opportunity send you An Other. 

We have lately been much alarmed for the Danger that Oswego was 


in, chiefly for want of Provisions, besides it's other Weakness's which we 
hear are not a little. 

A Detachment of Our Reg 1 with one from the 48 th were sent two 
Days ago to Fort William-Henry, the Garison there consisting of New 
England Men, having declared the[y] Would Abandon it; and I think 
its more than Probable they will quit it immedeately upon the Regulars 
marching in, As the[y] seem not to be fond of red Coats. 

I do not recolect whether I mentioned in my last a Complim 1 This 
Province were pleased to make me; the General Assembly voted me 
thanks for my Services last Campaign, and as a Testimony of their Es- 
teem, order'd a handsome Piece of Plate to be presented to me with the 
Arms of the Province, and a Genteel Motto Engraved on it, to shew the 
Sense (they are pleased to say they have) for my Endeavours last Summer. 

I am sorry that things are not in more forwardness, I am afraid the 
most Part of this Campaign will be lost before we shall be in any Condi- 
tion to strike a Blow, or even Attempt one. 

I shall acquaint you with our first Motions, and every Other incident 
that may happen, tho' I make no doubt but you will have it from many 
more Hands clearer than I can send you. 

This, I send by Col Dunbar as I hear he goes in the next Packet. 

My best Respects to M rs Napier. I am, D r Sir, Your much obliged and 
Most Obe 1 humb 1 Serv 1 . 

Will: Eyre 

P.S. The Strength of our Regim 1 is between Eight & Nine hundred 
Men at present, And I believe the 48 th is pretty Nearly the Same. 

[Endorsed] Engineer Eyre May 1 with a Plan of Fort W ra Henry R Jun 16 

Sir Charles Hardy to Halifax 


Fort George New York 7th May 1756. 
My Lord, 

I have the Honor of your Letter of the 17th of January; the Opinion 
Your Lordship is pleased to mention of my Endeavours for the Public 
Service gives me the greatest Satisfaction in meeting with your Concur- 
rence; I shall esteem myself happy if I equally succeed in that Part of my 
Administration that more particularly relates to His Majesty's Instruc- 
tions; I have made some Efforts, which I could not persevere in, without 
endangering that necessary Influence over an obstinate Legislature, for 
the promoting the King's Service, in support of the Common Cause, in 


Conjunction with, if I may use the Expression, much more stubborn 
Colonies; So circumstanced, His Majesty's rights & just Prerogatives re- 
main in much the same State I found them, & if I may take Leave to offer 
my Opinion, Prudence requires such a Conduct at this critical Juncture; 
But Your Lordship may depend I shall embrace every Opportunity to 
enforce my Instructions, in recovering from the Assembly their unjust 
Encroachments upon the royal Prerogative; I have reason to think they 
expect as much, whenever Opportunity offers, however well we rubb on 
together now. 

To enter upon an Inquisition, or Enquiry into the Causes of Differ- 
ences between Men, or Provinces, at this time, would be an endless 
Task, as well as difficult, 8c must tend rather to heighten the Jealousies 
and private Piques, (founded perhaps upon private Interest) & produce 
still heavier Charges 8c recriminations, than answer any good Purpose; 
To consider the general Good ought to be the Attention of every honest 
Man, & no time ever more strongly called for an Exertion of the united 
Strength of this extensive Dominion to defend His Majesty's just rights, 
& remove a perfidious & vigilant Enemy from their Encroachments, an 
Enemy watching every Neglect, & improving every Advantage, & tho' 
small in Number, when compared to our numerous Inhabitants, still 
acting as one Body, under one Order of Controul, & united in that Or- 
der, put Us poor disunited Millions in Defiance, committing by the 
Means of their Indians, the most unheard of Barbarities, & laying waste 
our Lands without opposition. 

This, My Lord, is the State of unhappy divided America. Your Lord- 
ship is desirous that a strong Army may appear in the Field; the Prov- 
inces that were concerned last Year, are raising a great many Men, in- 
tended to be 10,000 & I believe will fall little short of that Number; This 
may in appearance promise great Things, but I cannot flatter myself in 
much Success; Our Measures are slow; one Colony will not begin to 
raise their Men in an early time, doubting whether their Neighbours 
will not deceive them, in compleating their Levies so largely as they 
promised; By this Means we get late in the field; Our Magazines are not 
filled so soon as they ought; The present time too much evinces this 
Truth, as Your Lordship may readily imagine, when I tell You there 
was not one Man at Albany of the Provincial Forces the 30th of last 
Month, & consequently no Provisions R: Stores could be sent to Fort Wil- 
liam Henry for want of proper Escorts for the Convoys; and without, the 
French Indians make it impracticable to go; & when the whole Army is 
assembled for the Expedition against Crown Point, if to be executed by 
Provincials only, I much doubt if they can possibly succeed in such an 


Enterprize; They must expect to encounter many more Difficulties than 
last Year; the French we shall find much stronger posted on Lake 
George, & Crown Point greatly strengthened by additional Works. 

I am glad Your Lordship is of Opinion that Provincials alone are not 
capable of attacking fortified Posts; I wish they thought so too; There 
are other Evils attending those Forces, that want a remedy, namely, the 
want of sufficient Laws in the several Colonies to subject their Troops 
to military Discipline; This Province is singular in having such a Law, 
but, I fear, should the Law be rigorously executed, even if necessity 
called for it, it would have ill Consequences with the Forces ours may 
be acting with, even to cause a total Desertion in their Corps, or if not, 
it must end in such with our's. I am aware Your Lordship will say a late 
Act of Parliament subjects all Provincial Forces to military Discipline, 
& the Articles of War, when they are joined with the King's Forces; pos- 
sibly the very reason why they will not, or do not like to join His Maj- 
esty's Forces; one would imagine the New England Governments acted 
now upon this Principal, & that they foresaw such a Junction; The Gen- 
eral Court of the Massachusets, when they voted their Quota for the 
Crown Point Expedition, expressly say, "And that the Forces of this 
Government shall not be compelled to march southward of Albany, or 
Westward of Schenectady"; 8c I believe the other Governments have the 
same Resolution; this appears plainly to avoid joining the King's 
Troops; & I am the more confirmed in this Opinion, from what passed at 
a Meeting of the Commissioners at Albany to settle the Garrisons for 
Forts William Henry & Edward; At that Meeting I observed to Genl. 
Shirley, that I was of Opinion, that all Forces raised in the Provinces 
should be under the Command of His Majesty's Commander in chief, & 
that I was not without some Hopes of seeing such a Regulation; The 
Boston Commissioners took up the Argument, and advanced, that they 
hoped never to see the day, that their Troops should be under the Com- 
mand of the King's Officer. The Absurdity of this Doctrine is very evi- 
dent; & I think the Mischiefs arising from it are great, & tend manifestly 
to the Prejudice of His Majesty's Service; I shall beg Leave to lay before 
Your Lordship one Case that may offer, which will serve fully to prove 
this Argument. 

The four New England Governments, & New York, have agreed to 
raise 10,000 Men for the Expedition to Crown Point; His Majesty has 
been graciously pleased to order such a Number of His regiments for 
the American Services, & probably may think it necessary to employ one 
or two Battalions upon this Service; The other services the Commander 
in chief may have in view must be disappointed, or not attended to if 


the one or two Battalions are not replaced by as many of the Provincial 
Forces; Pray, My Lord, where are they to come from? Under the Vote 
for raising the Men I have recited, the Men have it in their own Choice, 
& are supported in it by a Law of the Colony from whence they came, 
the Consequence is plain, that His Majesty's General cannot spare any 
Part of the regular Forces for a material Service, that cannot be executed 
without them, or if he does, he must forego every other for want of suffi- 
cient Force. 

The Troops of this Province, 1,300 in Number, or, if necessary, 1,700, 
tho' voted for the Crown Point Expedition, are, I thank God, not under 
the restriction above, & I think, if the Commander in chief should think 
proper, to assist the Crown Point Expedition with one or two regiments, 
I can order them to join the King's Troops, or, if I should be mistaken 
in my Power of changing their Destination, I trust I shall have no Diffi- 
culty in obtaining the full Consent of the Legislature for it. One more 
Difficulty I beg Leave to mention to Your Lordship, with regard to the 
King's Forces & Provincials joining, that is in the first Place, (& particu- 
larly on the Crown Point Expedition) the Command. I have already 
mentioned the Sentiments of the New England People on this Point, & 
shall proceed to consider the Rank of the Officers, as established by His 
Majesty's Order in Council, in which no rank is allowed to the Field 
Officers of the Provincial Forces; their Captains and Subalterns are, by 
that order, to rank as youngest Captains and Subalterns of His Majesty's 
Forces; So far very proper & well, But what becomes of the Field Officers? 
They think themselves much injured in this Particular, Sc tho' they can- 
not expect to have Command over the Field Officers of the same rank, 
they still hope to be on an equal foot with them, as the Captains and 
Subalterns are with those of their Rank; I shall only add to this, that, 
on the other hand, the Captains of the regulars will think it hard to be 
commanded by Field Officers of Provincials, & the Field Officers of the 
regulars will likewise think so in having them on an equal foot; if this 
knotty & difficult Point could be once settled, I am of Opinion it would 
make the two Corps act more chearfully together. This brings me to 
offer to Your Lordship my Opinion of raising Men for His Majesty's 
Service in the Colonies; the present Method is attended with great De- 
lays, &; many Difficulties, most of the principal ones I have already men- 
tioned, & are all to be obviated by what I shall now lay before You. All 
Men raised in the Provinces for His Majesty's Service, should be raised 
by the Commander in Chief, who may give Blank Commissions, in such 
Numbers he thinks proper, to the several Governors, to fill up with the 
Names of such Persons as may be qualified, &: may have an Influence with 


the People of his Country; which in most Instances has more of Appear- 
ance in it than reality, which I shall make appear to Your Lordship pres- 
ently. The Governors should be required to give the Officers all the As- 
sistance in their Power; And the Assemblies should have nothing to do 
with raising the Men, but make the Grants to His Majesty, which should 
be drawn from the Treasury by the Governor, upon the application of 
the Commander in chief, and invested in him, & applied by him for the 
Purposes it was granted, and to leave the assemblies no Room to think 
of any Misapplication of their Money, the Commander in chief should 
render a true & faithfull Account to the Governors of all Moneys he re- 
ceived, who should lay the same before their respective Legislatures: by 
this Measure the whole force would immediately be under the Com- 
mand of His Majesty's General, & consequently their Destination for 
any Services he may think it for His Majesty's Service to undertake; &, 
if His Majesty pleases, those Services to be concerted at a Council of War 
of the General and the Governors, previous to the opening the Cam- 
paign: This regulation may be attended with Difficulties, but, I believe, 
this, or something like it, to be the only Means by which we can avail 
ourselves of the many Evils arising from the disunited State of the Col- 
onies in North America, in Matters of War. 

With respect to the Augmentation of His Majesty's Forces, it is not 
altogether so bad as has been represented, the old regiments have re- 
cruited beyond Expectation, &, I believe, I may say, were once full goo 
each, & as a Proof that American Officers cannot recruit or raise Men 
sooner than European, Shirley's & Pepperell's have never equalled them 
in Number; It is a Service that requires Knowledge; & the old Corps 
have shewn by their Vigilance & good management, that they can get 
Men, when the American Influence cannot. The great Dispute on this 
recruiting Service has been enlisting Servants, This has been carried to 
a great Height in Pensylvania and Maryland: I have always declared it 
was my Opinion, that His Ma 1 " has an undoubted right to the voluntary 
Services of His Subjects; Govr. Morris thinks so too; but the Lawyers dif- 
fer in it; they hold indented & bought Servants to be Property, &, as such, 
have no Will of their own, & cannot be withheld from their Masters; I 
much doubt if His Majesty's Attorney General was to try a Cause of this 
Sort, but he would find both Court of [and?] Jury of this Opinion; We 
have had very few Disputes of this kind in this Province. The only 
strong Argument in support of the Property of Servants is, that, if they 
are taken away, it may oblige the Colonies to furnish themselves with 
Negroes, which should most certainly be avoided, if possible; & I had 
rather the Servants were taken away, when the publick Service calls for 


it, tho' it may fall hard on some individuals, & no Importation of Ne- 
groes be allowed. This is a Point I am not [critical?] enough to deter- 
mine, & it must be settled at home, & it might not be improper to in- 
struct the Governors upon it, especially those Proprietary Governments, 
who are chiefly concerned. 

It has given me great Satisfaction to find Lord Loudoun appointed to 
the chief Command in America; & tho' I have not the Honor of knowing 
His Lordship, he is a Soldier, as such, if he is not too violent, but will 
lower himself a little to the Disposition of the People of these Countries, 
(which there will be an absolute necessity for his doing, in some small 
Degree, to gain their Confidence) he will soon put Things in a proper 
Train; But, I fear, his Arrival here with his regiments will be full late; 
I could wish he had been here some little time to have looked round 
him, before he entered upon immediate Service. 

Your Lordship's Determination of putting the Affairs of Management 
of the Six Nations into the Hands of Sir Wm. Johnson, is the only Means 
of uniting those Castles; It may be proper Sir William should, in some 
Degree, be under the Controul of this Government, in order to support 
its Influence with the Indians; Sir William Johnson has been truly rep- 
resented to Your Lordship as the properest Person to be Agent, or Colo- 
nel, over them; He is both honest &: brave, & I should do him great In- 
justice if I did not acquaint Your Lordship with his late Conduct; He is 
Colonel of the Militia of the County of Albany, consisting of two Bat- 
talions, has very lately made three Marches with Part of the Militia, & 
Indians upon Alarms that Oswego and some Magazines on the Mo- 
hawks river (one at the Oneida Carrying Place was destroyed before he 
could get to it's relief) was likely to be attacked by the French 8; their 
Indians; The Fort destroyed I suppose Genl. Shirley has transmitted an 
Account of, & as he is likely soon to lose his Command, shall say little to 
those Matters, any more than he left this City for Boston, without leav- 
ing the proper Orders for the Troops moving on any Occasion, which 
laid the Officers commanding them under great difficulties, created a 
great deal of Trouble to them, and me, & has occasioned our Militia to 
be harrassed; for I judged it necessary, from such a Neglect, to order Sir 
Wm. Johnson to march with the Militia to support any of the Posts, that 
might be in Danger. And a very extraordinary Circumstance happened 
so lately, that I cannot help informing Your Lordship of it; From the 
original settling the Garrisons of Forts William Henry & Edward, I have 
urged Genl. Shirley to let some of His Majesty's Forces take up their 
Winter Quarters in them, and have repeated this Application to him at 
Boston, but all to no Purpose; the Garrison of Fort William Henry were 


all New England Men, who were promised to be relieved early in the 
Spring, but, finding themselves deceived, declared their Intentions to 
the Commanding Officer of abandoning the Fort, & fixed their Day; 
Upon his sending this Intelligence to Albany, Colonels Gage & Burton 
judged it necessary to send 80 Men from their Corps, with proper Offi- 
cers, all they could then spare, for the Security of that fort; These are 
joined by 125 of the Militia; Thus had this important Fort like to have 
been in Danger of falling into the hands of the Enemy; and even this I 
think too small a Garrison. I have wrote so to Genl. Shirley, who is now 
at Albany, and hope he will reinforce that Post, till the Provincial 
Forces can arrive to releive them. 

The French Schemes, at present, seem to be to harrass the Parties go- 
ing with Provisions to Oswego, and to Lake George, from the Number 
of Indians, that have lately infested the Waters & Road; What our In- 
dians are about I do not comprehend; I have repeatedly urged Sir Wm. 
Johnson to press them to keep those Passages clear, & they have as often 
promised him, without effecting it, as Your Lordship will see by his late 
Conferences, a Copy of which I send Your Lordship's Board, to which I 
must beg Leave to refer, where Your Lordship will see what Steps have 
been, & are further to be, taken, to accommodate the Breach between Us 
& the Delaware Indians; if this can be happily accommodated, I hope it 
may give another Turn to our Affairs, & encourage the Cherokees to 
join the Southern Provinces. 

I am &c &c. 

Harry Gordon to Robert Napier 


Albany June 22nd 1756. 

My Brother has informed me of your good offices in recommending 
me to His Royal Highness The Duke for a Lieutenancy— I think my- 
self very deeply indebted in Gratitude to His Royal Highness for his 
Approbation and to you Sir for your Recommendation. I shall con- 
tinue as much as [is] in my Power to exert myself, with Zeal, for the 
Service of the best of Princes, and endeavour to recommend myself 
to His Royal Highness's future Protection and to your Favour. 

I send you by this Packet a Plan or rather a Sketch of the Country 
from Fort Edward on Hudsons River to Crown Point on Lake Cham- 
plain. This you may depend upon for conveying a true Idea of the 
Nature of these Places— I collected it while I was up at Lake George, 


where I bcg'cl Leave to goc to, upon hearing of the bad Condition that 
Fort and Garrison were in. The Plan was taken originally from a 
Draught Lieu 1 Rogers Brother of the famous Cap 1 had made— but if 
you desire to know particularly, I must refer you to a writing I have 
sent by this Packet, which I had not Time to copy as the drawing a 
Copy of the Plan for Lord Loudoun, and Designs for the Improve- 
ments of the Forts Edward and William Henry, which General Shirley 
has ordered, has kept me very hard at Work since I came down. 

I intend to forward you by next Packet Copies of these Plans and 
Designs but have only had Time yet to draw them for General Shirley 
—that you may know the State of them you may peruse the writing 
above mentioned and a Copy of my Report which I have inclosed. 

Mr. Mackellar is at Oswego and has sent down a much worse Re- 
port of that Place and we are only indebted to the Want of Ability or 
bad Conduct of the Enemy for its being in our Possession; as of itself 
it could have made no Defence— I wish Mr. Montresor may send you 
a Copy of his Report which could be of no bad Consequence if taken 
by our Enemies— but would expose their Folly in allowing us till this 
Time to put it in a proper Condition. 

Our New England Friends are coming up very fast, their Returns 
are now 6400 and they expect 1500 more. Provisions are likewise ready 
so that I imagine we shall set forward very soon. I wish an Expedition 
had been encouraged from Virginia, a small Train of Artillery with 
Men of that Business and an Engineer would have brought 2 or 3000 
Men together from those Provinces. If they had not taken Fort de 
Quesne they would have caused a Diversion and secured a good Fort 
to the Westward of the Mountains, which would have better covered 
these torn Provinces. 

I am, with great Gratitude & Respect, Sir Your most obliged and 
most obedient Servant 

Harry Gordon. 
P.S. Young Williamson has assisted me much in my drawing he has 
all the Appearance of turning out extremely well. 

Remarks on Forts William Henry and Edward, 
by Harry Gordon 


Remarks upon the Forts of William Henry and Edward of their 
Situation and what Works are most necessary to be added for the 
Strengthening of them— by Order of H. E. General Shirley. 


Fort William Henry is situated at the South End of Lake George 
formerly called Lake St. Sacrement— It is a Work that consists of 4 
Bastions with intermediate Curtains— and a Ditch eight foot deep and 
about thirty wide from the North- West Bastion to the South East one. 
The Work of the Ramparts and Parapets is faced up with large Logs 
of Timber bound together with smaller ones. The Rampart is in most 
Places fifteen Foot broad on the Curtains— the Bastions are filled up— 
The Parapets are, in the Faces of the Bastions most exposed, from fif- 
teen to eighteen Foot thick, and on the Curtains from twelve to fif- 
teen— The Rampart is between ten and eleven Foot high, and the 
Parapets from five to five and a half— There are Barracks for between 
three and four hundred Men— A Casemate under the left Flank of the 
South East Bastion, and another under the East Curtain. Likewise a 
Magazine under the N. E. Bastion towards the Lake and another 
smaller under the N. W. Bastion. 

This Fort stands upon a high sandy Bank twenty Foot above the 
Lake which covers one Front— A Morass another which winds within 
fifty yds of the third; so that an Attack cannot be well carried against 
any but the Western Front. There is a rising Ground about 300 Yards 
distant before the South West Bastion which rises to between sixteen 
and eighteen Foot higher than the Ground the Fort stands upon— 
likewise the rising ground across the morass is higher. 

In order to strengthen this Fort it is necessary to raise the Faces ex- 
posed to the rising Grounds three Foot higher— to cover and defend the 
South West Bastion and Curtain, from the Batteries an Enemy might 
raise upon the rising Ground, so as not to be battered in breach from 
thence— To effect this a Ravelin ought to be raised before the said 
Curtain, and a Countergarde before the S. W. Bastion. A Communica- 
tion ought to be made to the Ravelin— which ought to be sunk under 
the Curtain to come out at the bottom of the Ditch— and to cross it by 
a Caponiere with steps up to ascend the Ravelin— A covered Way pal- 
lisadoed ought to be carried from the left Face of the Counterguard to 
a detached Redout, made last Year, very properly to scour the Bank 
above the Morass which was not seen by the Fort— This Redout for 
Want of the Communication being properly secured, is at present in- 
suitable, but may be made very necessary to scour the left Face of 
the Countergarde. 

These proposed Works will entirely cover the exposed Front of the 
Fort (and without them a Breach may soon be made without shifting 
the Batteries from the rising Ground— but if these Works are added the 
Enemy must first destroy them and afterwards make their Batteries in 


them to make a Breach in the Bastions. A Casemate should be made 
under the left Face of the Ravelin which cannot be battered but 
obliquely. The covered Way will serve for a small retrenched Camp, 
or a Cover for Magazines of Provisions & ca . 

Fort Edward is situated on Hudsons River 14 Miles below the other 
Fort above described. It is a Work of four Bastions as the other— that 
on the River below is rather a half Bastion, one Side is close to the 
River another to a small Rivulet which winds towards the third. The 
Gate is in the Curtain towards the Plain. There is a Gate likewise in 
the Side thats towards the Rivulet. There is a Ditch on the North and 
East Sides, and a Row of Pallisades (which has been the Preservation 
of the Fort) goes quite round between the Ditch & the Parapet— with 
their Points inclining towards the Country. There is no Rampart to 
the Fort and the Parapet is not above eight Foot thick in some Places 
it has washed to six a Top. The Parapet is from eight to ten Foot high 
reared up of Sand, without any regular Banquet— or any kind of fac- 
ing. There is a Magazine in the East Bastion, which is only covered 
with one layer of Logs. The River Hudson divides itself a little above 
the Fort and forms a large Island opposite to it. The Branch of the 
River between the Fort and the Island is about sixty Yards across. The 
Island a hundred, and the other Branch seventy. 

In order to strengthen this Fort the Parapets ought to be faced with 
Logs as at Fort William Henry, and made from 14 to 16 Foot thick— 
the Rampart on the East & South Sides ought to be raised so as to have 
Casemates under the Curtains— and proper Cover for 2 Magazines un- 
der the 2 Bastions— A Ravelin constructed before the Gate of the North 
Curtain— and a Redout detached before the East Curtain to discover 
the Banks of the Morass which are high— this Redout to communicate 
by a Sally Port under its Curtain and a covered Way well pallisaded— 
a covered Way may be carried from the Redout to the Ravelin and pro- 
longed to the River. A Hornwork ought to be made in the Island with 
its Lunette across the Western Branch. This Work will secure the Pas- 
sage of the River and cover Storehouses to lodge Provisions & ca . Care 
must be had to raise the Floors of the Storehouses as the River has been 
known to rise over the Island. Landing Places must be made for Boats 
in the Island. The Curtain towards the River must be secured against 
Floods as the Ground the Fort stands upon is rather lower than the Is- 
land. A small Redout may be made across the Rivulet the better to 
Flank the Hornwork. 

These Works as the Timber is nigh may be soon Constructed, and 
without them the Passage of the River (The Design of this Fort) can- 


not be covered properly for communication nor prevented our Enemies 
as they may goe along with any Number of Battoes or Canoes down the 
Western Branch without being discovered by the Fort. If it is supposed 
ever to be attacked the Out Works will add greatly to the Strength of it 
—seeing, in such Case it would have all the upper Inhabitants of the 
Province of New York to defend it— whose principal Frontier this Fort 
certainly is— and with the addition of these Works, it could with great 
Numbers & Risque only, be invested. 

As to the Works to be added to Fort William Henry— they seem to me 
so necessary for a Defense— that without them the Enemy can in one 
Night open Trenches make a Battery within 280 Yards of the Bastion 
which entirely commands it and which without shifting may soon make 
a Breach. 

Harry Gordon Engineer 

Memoire Narratif de Mr. T:T: x Touchant les 
Services qu'il a Rendu a la Nouvelle Ecosse 



La bienveillance que Vous me temoignes m'engage a Vous ecrire, et 
cette genereuse sensibilite pour les peines d'autrui que Ton remarque 
en Vous, et qui fait l'essence de tout honnete homme, me persuade que 
touche de ma Situation, Vous vous porteres a m'accorder l'honneur de 
vos bons offices. Mais comme la prudence veut du discernement dans 
les graces que Ton fait, et qu'elle defend de s'interesser pour celui que 
Ton ne connoit pas, Je vais rappeller icy quelqu'unes des circonstances 
qui m'ont conduit a l'etat ou je me trouve. 

A la fin de la derniere guerre pendant laquelle j'ai exerce differentes 
emplois distingues, Je fus invite par le Comte de Raymond de l'ac- 
compagner a l'lsle Royale dont il etoit Gouverneur. Je lui servis de 
Secretaire. Je le fis valoir, Je lui fus de la plus grande utilite. II n'executa 

1 Thomas Pichon (1700-1781), a native of Vire, Normandy, went to Cape Breton 
in 17-31 as the secretary of the governor, Count de Raymond. In 1753 he hecame 
Commissary at Fort Beausejour, and shortly afterwards began to sell information to 
the British. He used the name of Thomas Tyrell, and as such settled in England in 
1758, where he lived until his death. His papers are preserved in the Public Archives 
of Nova Scotia and at Ottawa, and are to he printed shortly by Dr. J. C. Wehster. 
There are four Pichon items in the Cumberland Papers: two are copies, with insig- 
nificant changes, of papers in the Pichon collection; a third, describing the sound- 
ings of Louisbourg harbor, will appear in Dr. Webster's volume; the fourth varies 
sufficiently in phrasing and subject-matter from a similar mc moire in the Pichon 
collection to justify its inclusion here. 


cependant aucune des promesses qu'il m'avoit faites en France. Je re- 
fusal cle l'y suivre et il me laissa a Lonisbourg en affettant d'ignorer ce 
qu'une genereuse Equite exigeoit delui. L'Intendant cle cette Isle in'en- 
voya aussitot an fort de Beausejour, aujourd'hui dc Cumberland, pour 
y faire les fonctions de Commissairc, d'ordonnateur et de subdeleguc 
de l'lntendance. M. Scott - que j'avois vu a Lonisbourg et qui comman- 
doit au fort Lawrence proche le fort francois, m'invita a Taller voir. 
Dans nos conversations sur les interets respectifs des deux Couronnes 
dans l'Amerique du Nord, il me fit entendre qu'il pouvoit occasionncr 
ma fortune qu'il en connoissoit des moyens tres stirs, et ([tie Je n'aurois 
jamais lieu de me repentir de m'etre devoue pour ce qu'il me proposoit. 
Les assurances reiterees qu'il me donnoit, de me mettrc dans lc plus 
agreable bienetre, que rien ne manqueroit a ma Satisfaction et que ce 
qu'il me promettoit, il le faisoit au nom du Gouvernement en general, 
m'engagerent a me livrer entierement a tout ce qu'il desiroit de moi. 

Nous etablimes line correspondance qui fut des plus suivies. II fut 
successivement averti cle toutes les menees des pretres francois pour ex- 
citer les Sauvages a faire coup Sur les Anglois, Ce que j'ai tou jours 
detourne. II le fut egalement cle tout ce qui se passoit concernant la 
Colonie et les Commandans de cette partie de l'Acadie &c. II eut des 
memoires aussi instructifs qu'interessans Sur l'ctat actuel des forts 
francois, sur les babitans refugies et sur ceux qui restoient dans la partie 
cle l'Acadie deja sous la domination Angloise. II Scait quelle confiance 
ces bonnes gens avoient en moi. 

Je lui donnai peu avant son depart tin memoire fort detaille sur les 

- George Scott's parentage is unknown. He may have been a native New Englander. 
He was commissioned ensign in the British army January 24, 1741. On September 1. 
1745, he became captain-lieutenant, perhaps in Shirley's regiment of foot raised after 
the capture of Lonisbourg, which went on the establishment that month. On April 
30, 1746, he became a captain in Shirley's regiment, went on half-pav when the regi- 
ment was broken in 1748, and three years later exchanged with Captain John Window 
of the 40th regiment (June 28, 1751). In 1753 he was listed as a justice of the peace and 
commandant of the garrison at Chignecto. Selected in 1755 to command the second 
battalion of Shirley's regiment of New Englanders sent to Nova Scotia, he was praised 
by Monckton as an officer "on all occassions of the greatest Service to me, as well from 
his Knowledge of the Indians & Inhabitants as from his activity & good Conduct." 
(Monckton's Journal of the Siege of Fort Beausejour, printed in J. C. Webster, The 
Forts of Chignecto). On July 28, 1757, he wrote Loudoun an anonymous letter, 
which he afterwards acknowledged, containing cogent arguments against proceeding 
with the projected attack on Louisbourg. He was rewarded with the post of Major 
of Brigade. Later that winter he drew up a plan for clothing and accoutering troops 
serving in America, and reducing the number of firing motions (Henry E. Hunting- 
ton Library, LO 6927). In 1758 he was put in command of a body of rangers and light 
infantry appointed to act as rangers, and in 1759 he commanded the rangers in Wolfe's 
army. He became lieutenant-colonel in America July 11, 1761, though still gazetted as 
first captain in the 40th regiment. In 1766 he received a grant of 20,000 acres in East 
Florida (Acts Privy Council, Colonial, 1766-1783, p. 590). The Army List of 1767 is 
the last in which his name appears. 


mesures que je croyois qu'on pouvoit prendre pour reussir a s'emparer 
des forts francois, Je peux avancer icy qu'on a Suivi dans la plus grande 
partie le projet que j'en avois fait. Je devrois done etre regarde comme 
un des instrumens qui a servi a cette importante Conquete. 

Le Capitaine Hussey Successeur de M. Scott et charge dela meme 
correspondance, recut egalement quantite de Lettres et de memoires, 
copies de tout ce qu'envoyoit l'abbe le Loutre a la Cour de france et 
de ce qu'il en recevoit. 

M'etant procure avec autant de peines que de depenses les noms des 
Sauvages repandus dans FAcadie, le recensement noms par noms des 
habitans francois et de leurs families, je les fis passer a ce Capitaine. 

Je lui remis presque a Son arrivee le plan que j 'avois fait faire de 
l'lsthme et entier des Bayes Verte et Beaubassin de leurs environs, des 
deux forts francois qui y sont Situes, et les distances les plus exactes de 
chaques endroits. J'y joignis un memoire et des observations particu- 
lieres. Cet ouvrage fut tres utile pour la reduction des deux forts. 

Je pourrois m'en rapporter sur tout cecy aux temoignages de M rs 
Boscawen, Lawrence, Scott et Hussey, Si j'ignorois que vous etes deja 
instruit, Monsieur, de bien d'autres details que j'omets. Mais Ton n'a 
gueres scu qu'en partie tout ce que j'ai risque pour continuer la plus 
difficile correspondance que je vous assure m'avoit coute considerable- 
ment pour rompre en visiere a plus d'un envieux observateur. 

Je fis ralentir les ouvrages qu'on avoit projette de faire et d'ajouter 
tant au fort de Beausejour qu'a celui de Gasparaux pour leur defense. 

Le premier ayant ete en quelque facon investi et l'effet des bombes 
s'etant fait sentir, les habitans au nombre de cinq cent que Ton y avoit 
enferme pour aider a le defendre, forcerent par mes conseils le Com- 
mandant Vergord a demander a Capituler ce qui abregea beaucoup ce 
Siege. Ce fut aussi par mes conseils que le Commandant du fort Gas- 
paraux se rendit sur la Seule Lettre qui fut portee par un habitant et 
que j 'avois aide a dieter. 

Un grand nombre des Acadiens les plus guerriers et dont les families 
sont les plus nombreuses, projettoient de se retirer avec les Sauvages 
Abenakis Sur la Riviere S l Jean; leur secret m'ayant ete decouvert, on 
trouva les moyens de les retenir. 

Depuis la reduction des deux forts, M. le Colonel Munckton et M. 
Scott furent toujours informes dans le plus grand detail de tout ce qui 
pouvoit interesser par rapport aux habitans &c. 

Lorsqu'il fut question de l'expedition de la Riviere S l Jean ou les 
francois alloient commencer un nouveau fort, j'ai remis a M. de Munk- 


ton le plan tout nouvcllement fait pour la Cour de france, tant du 
premier fort francois que des Cotes dela mer, de l'embouchure de cette 
riviere, de son entree et de scs profondeurs. 

Etant convenu avec M r8 de Munkton et Scott, pour cather necessaire- 
ment l'espece d'intelligencc oil Nous etions, et afin que je fusse toujours 
a portee de continuer a etre egalement utile, que je Serois fait prison- 
nier de guerre, je fus transfere au fort Lawrence, ensuite a celui de Pegi- 
guitk. J'ai recti dans ces divers endroits la visite d'un grand nombre 
d'Acadiens qui me demandoient conseil sur le parti qu'ils avoient a 
prendre. En qualite de prisonnier je ne pouvois, leur disois-je, leur en 
donner, ce qui les jettois dans la plus grande inquietude. Je leur repre- 
sentois cependant qu'ils devoient connoitre bien mieux que moi, leurs 
vcritables interets, considerer l'avenir; qu'ils avoient des families dont 
la transmigration dans d'autres pays, ftit-ce en france, ne pourroit que 
leur prejudicier considerablement; qu'il etoit triste pour eux de n'avoir 
pas ete en etat de faire comparaison des deux dominations, Angloise 
et francoise; que la premiere etoit infiniment plus douce que l'autre 
a tous egards, Sec. 

Transports depuis a Halifax et y ayant trouve beaucoup de prison- 
niers francois, Je continual de passer pour prisonnier, et Je fis entendre 
aux principaux qu'en consequence dela capitulation de Beausejour Je 
devois etre renvoye a Louisbourg aussitot apres l'examen de quelques 
papiers qu'on supposoit m'avoir ete remis par l'abbe le Loutre. Dans 
cette idee plusieurs de ces francois me chargerent de Lettres, memoires 
&c. pour faire passer a Louisbourg et en france. La fameuse Savonnette 
qui contenoit le plan d'Halifax et un projet pour surprendre ce poste 
&c, ouvrage de M. Hocquart et des trois Ingenieurs francois, me fut 
aussi remise. Je la rendis aussitot a M. l'Amiral Boscawen ainsi que les 
Lettres et pacquets cachettes des autres francois. La decouverte de ce 
projet de M. Hocquart, des Ingenieurs, R:c de s'emparer ou de detruire 
Halifax, de bruler les vaisseaux qui devoient hyverner dans ce havre Sec, 
parut d'une telle importance qu'il en ftit ordonne un jour d'action de 
grace a Halifax. 

L'on m'a Souvent flatte dela Satisfaction qu'on m'assuroit avoir de 
toutes mes operations, ne puis-je done pas paroitre desirer l'accomplis- 
sement des promesses qui m'ont ete faites, de me procurer un etat Solide 
et avantageux? Ne puis-je pas me flatter de le meriter? La Conquete, 
pour ainsi dire, de toute la nouvelle Ecosse, l'importance dont cette 
partie del'Amerique doit etre pour toutes les autres Colonies Angloises, 
ainsi que pour la grande Bretagne, par les consequences qui en resultent 


et par les avantages qu'on en doit tirer des a present et pour l'avenir; 
tout ne Semble t'il pas m'autoriser a demander une recompense pro- 

J'avois un etat en france ou J'ai encore du bien. Je devois etre charge 
dela Subdelegation, del'Intendance dans plusieurs Colonies del'Ame- 
rique du Nord, postes qui m'auroient assurement ete avantageux. Je les 
ai abandonne, J 'en fais de meme de tout ce que j'ai en france ou Je ne 
dois plus penser a retourner. J'ai fait en outre des pertes tres consid- 
erables lors et par la prise de Beausejour, &c. 

Voila, Monsieur, ce que je n'ai point craint de confier a votre discre- 
tion; votre facon de penser Sage et judicieuse m'est connue. Je me per- 
suade que ces details que j'aurois desire pouvoir abreger, vous exciteront 
a continuer de vous interesser pour moi. Je voudrois bien continuer 
d'etre de quelque utilite. Ce fut dans cette vue que M. Boscawen, qui 
connoit tout mon zele a cet egard me fit venir a Londres. Je compterai 
done beaucoup Sur vos demarches si vous aves la bonte d'en faire pour 
moi; vous obligeres un homme reconnoissant et qui s'etudiera toute sa 
vie a vous donner des preuves de son attachement. 

J'ai l'honneur d'etre bien respectueusem 1 
Monsieur, Votre tres humble et tres obeissant Serviteur 


Le 27 Juin 1756 

Benjamin Franklin to Sir Everard Fawkener ' 

New York, July 27, 1756. 
Honourable Sir, 

I wrote you a very long Letter by the Harriot, Capt. Bonnell, to 
which I have now little to add. It was in answer to those I had been 
favour 'd with from you. 

Being requested, by a Letter from Mr Pownall before he left Eng- 
land, to be here at Lord Loudon's Arrival, I came accordingly about 
the time he was expected, but waited near 5 Weeks before he arrived, 
which was not till last Friday. I am pleased, however, that I staid so 
long, as I have had the Satisfaction of several Conferences with his 

1 Sir Everard Fawkener was one of the Postmasters General, and Cumberland's 
private secretary. He died in 1758, at the age of seventy-four, and his widow, the 
natural daughter of General Churchill whom he had married as a young girl in 
1747, became the wife of Governor Thomas Pownall. 


Lordship on American Affairs, and hope I may be able, on my Return, 
to do him a Piece of Service that he requests of me. He seems to me 
very well fitted for the Charge he has undertaken, and I promise myself 
the King's Affairs on this Side will prosper in his Hands. He sail'd 
yesterday for Albany, and I return home tomorrow. 

The publick Papers, which I inclose, contain all the material News. 
The Provincials under General Winslow, are on their March to Lake 
George, in order to attack Crown Point. They declin'd the Assistance 
of the Regulars, who therefore only follow them, and take the Posts 
they leave, to be ready to support them in case of any Accident. The 
Provincials, it seems, apprehend, that Regulars join'd with them, would 
claim all the Honour of any Success, and charge them with the Blame 
of every Miscarriage. They say, that last Year, at Nova Scotia, 2000 
New England Men, and not more than 200 Regulars, were join'd in 
the Taking BeauSejour; yet it could not be discovered by the Ace 1 
sent home by Gov r Lawrence, and published in the London Gazette, 
that there was a single New England Man concern'd in the Affair. It 
is suppos'd by some, that they will now exert themselves to the utmost; 
and that the Joining to them a Regiment or two of the Regulars, 
would have discouraged and dispirited them exceedingly, and thereby 
weaken'd more than it would strengthen them. The general Opinion, 
however, of the Regular Officers, is, that they will be beaten and re- 
puls'd; for they must expect to meet at Crown Point almost the whole 
Force of Canada. A few Weeks will now determine this Matter. 

The Naval Force of the Enemy on Lake Ontario, is represented as 
superior to ours; but as we have more Vessels fitting out, and almost 
ready, 'tis hop'd the Scale will soon turn there in our Favour. The 
Check the French receiv'd in their Attack on our Battoes, it's thought 
will have a good Effect; and discourage them a little in their Scheme of 
cutting off our Communication with Oswego. It is agreed by all, that 
Bradstreet & his Battoe-men behav'd very well. 

The last Act of Parliament,- that authorizes the Enlisting of bought 
Servants in America, tho' it directs that the Officers who inlist them, shall 
pay the Masters the prime Cost of the Servant, deducting for the time 
he has serv'd a proportional Part of the Sum (which perhaps is the best 
general Rule that could be fix'd) or return the Servant, the Master 
paying back the Enlisting Money; will nevertheless intirely destroy the 
Trade of bringing over Servants to the Colonies, either from the 
British Islands or Germany. Because no Master for the future can af- 

- 29 Geo. II, c. 35. 


ford to give such a Price for Servants as is sufficient to encourage the 
Merchants to import them, while the following Inconveniencies and 
Hardships still remain on the Master, viz 

i. Many of our Servants are purchased young of their Parents, who, 
coming with large Families, bind some of their Children to Trades- 
men and Farmers, in order to raise a Sum to pay the Freights of the 
whole, and keep themselves free; their Children too being by this 
Means well provided for, as they are taught some Business with which 
they may obtain a future Livelihood. Now the last Year or two of such 
a Servant's Time is of more Value to the Master than three or four 
of the first Years; and the Allowance of a Part of the first Cost, in 
proportion only to the Time remaining unserv'd, is therefore by no 
means an adequate Compensation to the Master. 

2. When a Man's Servants are taken from him, he knows not where 
to find Hands to assist him in cultivating his Land, or carrying on his 
Business, hired Labourers or Journeymen not being so readily obtain'd 
here at any time as in England, People chiefly depending on their 
bought Servants, and in the present Case the Labourers and Journey- 
men had been before rendered much scarcer by the long continued 
Recruitings. Thus many Masters are reduced to the greatest Distress 
in their Affairs, by a total Stop put to their Business. And where the 
Business is carried on in different Branches, depending on one another, 
the Taking of one Servant may render useless several that are left. 
For instance, Taking the Spinners from a Ropewalk, the other Serv- 
ants who know not how to spin, tho' they do not inlist, cannot go on 
with the Business, and must stand idle. Taking the Compositors from 
a Printing House (my own Case) the Servants who are Pressmen, tho' 
left behind, not knowing how to compose, must remain idle. There- 
fore the Allowance directed by the Act for the Time the Spinner or 
Compositor had to serve, is by no means a Composition for the 
Damage done. 

3. If the Officer declines paying the proportional Sum, directed by 
the Act to be paid, he is to return the Servant, and the Master is to 
pay back the Inlisting Money. The Servant very probably has spent it 
in Drink with the Serjeant and his Fellow Recruits, so it must be out 
of the Master's Pocket: Then there being no Provision to prevent the 
Servant's Inlisting again, he may repeat the Frolick as often as he 
pleases. If the same Officer should generously refuse (for he is not for- 
bid) to inlist the same Servant twice, another Officer may inlist him, 
not knowing that he had been inlisted before, and discharged; and 
so the Master may be continually harass'd with the Expence and 


Trouble of Recovering his Servant, till he chuses rather to lose him 

Upon the whole I see clearly, that the Consequence will be, the In- 
troduction of Slaves, and thereby weakening the Colonics, and pre- 
venting their Increase in White Inhabitants. 

How much better would it be to recruit in Britain, Ireland or Ger- 
many: For by that means the Colonies would be strengthened! 

I write this in Obedience to your Commands that I should give my 
Opinion freely to you, on Publick Measures relating to America. 

I hope Mr Hunter is with you by this Time, and that the Voyage 
will answer the Expectations of his Friends, in restoring his Health. 
He sail'd about the 20th of June, in the Anna, Capt. Randolph, from 
Virginia. He will settle our Accounts with the Office, and inform you 
of everything relating to it on this Side. I am, with the greatest 
Respect, Hon ble Sir, Your most obedient and most humble Servant 

B Franklin 

A Journal of the Transactions at Oswego from 

the i6th of May to the 14 of August 1756. 

By Patrick Mackellar ' Eng'r en Second 

to the Expedition 


May 16 I arrived at 2 a Clock in the afternoon, with Lieut. Colonel 
Broadstreet, 2 & a Convoy of Battoes with Provisions Naval Stores &c. 

1 Patrick Mackellar (1717-1778) got his training as an engineer at Minorca, where 
he was stationed from 1739 to 1754. Of the British engineers who served in America 
in the Seven Years' War, Mackellar was probably the ablest. Engineer en second 
with Braddock's expedition and at the siege of Louisbourg in 1758, he acted as chief 
engineer at Quebec in 1759, in Canada in 1760, at Martinique in 1762, and at Ha- 
vana in 1763. Four of these sieges demanded the use of European methods; only at 
Oswego was Mackellar called upon to adapt his knowledge to meet frontier require- 

- Captain John Bradstreet (c. 1711-1774) of the 51st regiment may be identical 
with that Jean-Baptiste Bradstreet, born December 21, 1714, and baptized March 
12, 1716, the son of Lieutenant Edward Bradstreet of the 40th regiment in Nova 
Scotia (died December, 1718) and Agathe de la Tour (Murdoch, Hist, of Xova Scotia, 
I. 263, 354). John bought an ensigncy in the 40th regiment in 1735. played an im- 
portant part in the Louisbourg expedition of 1745, and became a captain in Pep- 
perrell's regiment raised in 1746 and lieutenant governor of St. John's, Newfound- 
land. In 1755 Shirley put him in charge of transportation to Oswego, recognizing, 
as did later commanders in chief, his unusual qualities as a leader of irregulars. His 
title as lieutenant colonel was at this time unofficial; he was one of several officers 
who suffered from Shirley's unauthorized promotions. Not until December, 1757, 
when he became a deputy quartermaster general, did he gain the rank he had 
coveted for eleven years. Ambitious and aggressive, his superiors realized that he 


In the Evening I visited Fort Ontario and took Memorandums of its 

17th In the Morning I visited Fort Oswego and Fort George and 
took Memorandums of their Defects. About ten a Clock, I reported 
the Defects of the Three Forts to Lieut. Colonel Mercer and shewd 
him my Instructions; I then demanded eight Men to assist my taking 
a Survey of the Place, and all the Men that coud be spared, to begin 
the Repairs of the Works next clay; He told me that the Master Builder 
demanded more Men to carry on the Business of the Sniping, than he 
coud possibly spare from the Dutys of the Garrison, that he was 
obliged from the Misfortunes that had happen'd of Scalping and tak- 
ing the Workmen in the Woods, always to send strong Covering Partys 
along with them; but that he woud call a Council of War in the 
Afternoon, and settle what ought to be done. 

In the Afternoon He called a Council of War, viz 1 Lieut. Colonels 
Littlehales and Broadstreet and Captain Broadley 3 Commanding Of- 
ficer of the Vessels upon the Lake, I was desired to attend. Before the 
Council of War, He represented the weak condition of the Garrison, 
the impossibility of sending sufficient Covering Partys with the Work- 
men into the Woods, and to give Men for the Repairs of the Fortifica- 
tions at the same time; He likewise represented the Want of Money. It 
was resolved, that the Business of the Sniping was the most essential 
and therefore to be forwarded with most Despatch, that the Repairs 
of the Works shoud be postponed, that the Party at the Falls (left 
there by Colonel Broadstreet to build a Fort) shoud be called in, if 
Colonel Schuyler's Regiment was not arrived there, in its way to Os- 
wego; and that the Want of Money shou'd be represented to General 
Shirley by the first Opportunity, and that the Commanding Officer 
shoud endeavour to prevail with Mr. Lewis 4 the Commissary to con- 
tinue the payment of the Workmen, untill his Excellency's pleasure 
shoud be known. 

This morning Lieut. Blair of the 51 st Regiment being posted with a 
Party of Men above the Rift to cover the Battoes was attackd by a 
Party of Indians; Lieut. Blair and one of his Men were killed and an- 
other Mortaly Wounded; upon the Alarm of the Fire, there was a 

"had to be rode with a bridel." In 1758 he planned and carried out the successful 
expedition against Fort Frontenac. Appointed colonel in America in 1762, he died a 
major general in the British army. 

3 For the conduct at Oswego of Captain Flousman Broadley of the Royal Navy, 
see W. L. Grant, "The Capture of Oswego by Montcalm in 1756: A Study in Naval 
Power . . . ," Royal Society of Canada, Transactions (1914), ser. Ill, Vol. viii, p. 193. 

4 Francis Lewis, later a signer of the Declaration of Independence. 


Reinforcement sent from the Garrison, (of which one of our Mohawk 
Indians was killed); upon their Appearance the Enemy went oil and 
left two of theirs killed who were scalped by our people. 

18th I visited the Powder Magazine and look Memorandums of 
its Defects. Colonel Broadstreet return'd this Morning lor 
Schenectady with his Battoes. 
19th This day very rainy which put a Stop to the Work of the 

Shi ping. 
20th Lieut. Cooling came in with the Party left at the Falls ac- 
cording to the Resolution of the Council of war of the 17" 1 
Instant. Mr. Sowers the Engineer came by Water, and had a 
Battoe of Tools oversett. 
21st I reconoitred the Ground round Fort Oswego and Fort 

22nd I reconoitred the Ground along the Lake to the Westward 

and up the River towards the Rift. 
23 d 

24 About eleven at Night a Party of Indians attacked a small 
Encampment of Battoemen at about forty yards distance 
from the Town, they took two Prisoners, killed four, three of 
whom they scalped, they likewise scalped a Soldier who lay 
drunk asleep (he afterwards recover'd) and wounded two 
more. When they found the Garrison alarm'd they went off, 
but had pursued some of the Men into the Street. The Gar- 
rison continued under Arms till two in the Morning. 
25th In the Afternoon Colonel Schuyler 5 Sc Major Kineer arrived, 
the former with about 170 Men of his Regiment, the Major 
with a Party of ( ), G they brought a convov of Battoes with 
Naval Stores and Provisions. 

There arrived likewise a Drove of Oxen. 

I writ the following Letter to Mr. Montresor Chief En- 

Oswego 25th May 1756 

I arrived here the 16th, but untill now, have not had an 
opportunity of writing to you, since I examined the Condition 
of the Fortifications, which I send you an Account of that you 
may be prepared to speak to the Commander in Chief about 
them and receive his farther Directions. 

5 Peter Schuyler of the New Jersey regiment. 

6 Space left in manuscript. 


"Old Fort Oswego is according to the Plans you have seen, a 
Blockhouse surrounded with a Wall at a Small distance from 
it, both of dry rubble but pointed upon the Joints here and 
there with Mortar; there are three Guns mounted within the 
outward Wall to fire through Loopholes in the rounding 
towards the River, but they must not be fired for fear of 
bringing down the Wall, which is already crack'd in three 
places from top to Bottom, these are the only Guns within 
this Work. 

"The Hornwork built last Year and the Raveline before it, 
are badly laid out, the Flanks of the half Bastions do not 
defend the opposite Faces, the Wings are enfiladed from end 
to end, the Terreplain seen almost throughout, the North 
wing towards the Lake quite open, with only a small Cliff of 
Earth and Rock where any Body may run up and down; the 
South wing towards the Town was closed somewhat in the 
form of a Tenaille last Winter, in Fascine and wattled Work 
fitted with Earth, which I think some Improvement, it has 
eight or ten Embrazures towards the Town; the Gorge of the 
Raveline is so close upon the Curtain, and the whole of it 
rais'd so high that it obstructs the Fire, at least of two thirds 
of both the Flanks and ye Curtain, and makes no Defence 
itself, there being only a Rampart raisd to a great Hight with- 
out any Parapet, the retaining Wall within which is of dry 
rubble, and the scarp without which is of Sod, have both 
given way; The Faces of it terminate upon the Curtain some 
Toises within the Flanks. 

"The Fort upon the Hill on the Town Side called Fort 
Oswego seems to have been designed a Square with Bastions, 
but there is so little of it done and that so roughly, that one 
cannot say what it might be if finished, the Ditch is sunk on 
two Sides about five feet deep and the Earth thrown in and 
supported with Wattle Work about three feet high, this gives 
a rough Form to one Bastion and two half Bastions; the 
other two sides are not touched upon but for the present in- 
closed with a bad Pallisade which is continued round the 
whole leaving out the Figure of the Bastions; there are Huts 
within for lodging the Men and Officers, tho in my opinion 
the Work is by no means tenable, and quartering Men there 
is I think runing a great risk of losing them. 

"The Town if it may be called so, is open to the south and 


west Sides, and of Course exposed to the Enemy's Scalping 
Partys, one of which a few Nights ago came in to the very 
street and scalped killed wounded and took eight Men Bat- 
toemen and Soldiers. 

"The Powder Magazine is so bad that I think the Powder 
must be considerably dammaged, it is so crouded at present 
that it cannot be narrowly examined, but it being sunk four 
feet in the Ground, and the top one side and one Gable End 
coverd with Sod, there must certainly be a great deal of Mois- 
ture got into it. 

"The Fort on the east Side of the River called Fort Ontario 
is stockaded with good Timber and the joints squared, but 
the Plan is bad, its other Defects are as follows.— The Bar- 
racks for the Men and officers are mostly built against the 
Stockade which loses so much of the Fire, the Gate is placed 
in an Angle and flankd on neither Side, which must be the 
Case in a Star as all the Angles are dead; there is no Banquet, 
nor Loop holes cut, but for the Canon, however there is a 
Gallery carryd round the top where the Buildings do not 
interfere, which has a good Command and renders the Work 
capable of a tolerable Defence against small Arms. 

"I intended according to his Excellency's orders to have set 
about repairing the most material & least costly of these De- 
fects immediately after my arrival, and spoke to Colonel Mer- 
cer the Command 5 Officer upon that head, who immediatly 
consulted some of the principal Officers, and it was agreed, 
that as they were under apprehensions of a siege, the work of 
the Shiping was the most requisite to be forwarded, and that 
as the Weakness and Sickliness of the Garrison would not 
admitt of their giving a sufficient Number for that service, the 
other Works must be postponed untill the Hurry of that Busi- 
ness shoud be got over. 

"The principal Defects I intend to go upon when I can 
get Workmen, are those of the Horn Work and Fort Ontario; 
the former of these notwithstanding its Defects, is the only 
work on this Side that we can mount Guns upon; the Re- 
pairs I intend [in] it, are Traverses to secure the Enfilade, 
securing the North Wing, and making platforms and Em- 
brazures where necessary; I think the Raveline must be de- 
molished intirely. 

"The Repairs in Fort Ontario are soon done except that 



of removing the Buildings, which cannot be done without 
removing the Troops, it is besides too expensive a Work to 
go upon without a particular Order. 

"Fort Oswego I can consider as a Work begun only, and 
what is done does rather more harm, than good, I shall there- 
lore deter doing anything to it, untill I receive his Excellency's 
orders, it is in fact the same as building a new Fort. 

"The Powder Magazine and that of inclosing the Town will 
likewise be Articles of too much Expence to enter upon with- 
out orders, and sending Plans which I cannot do at present. 

"I shall as soon as the hurry of the shiping will allow me a 
few hands, take an exact Survey of both sides, where I shall 
lay down whatever I may see necessary both in the building 
and fortifying way, for his Excellency's and your Perusal; in 
the former of these I do not expect to succeed to my own 
satisfaction, the Situation is very unfavourable, for the Ground 
where a Fort woud be of most general use, is overlooked on 
two Sides and mostly within Musquet Shot—, and building 
little Forts here and there at a distance from each other, ought 
I think to be avoided for many reasons if possible. I shou'd 
be very glad you had seen the Ground. 

"I writ to you from the Carrying place, to acquaint you 
with the Orders I had received from the General of laying out 
three Forts. That at the head of Wood Creek where Bulls Fort 
stood, I hear is finished but the Ditch not according to my 
plan; that at the mouth of Wood Creek, there was no time 
nor hands to enter upon, and that at Oswego Falls we were 
obliged to leave off, after digging the Trench and cuting 
some of the Stockades, the Party for that service being wanted 
to reinforce this Garrison. 

"I was very unfortunate in the Tools I brought along with 
me, all the Spades and a good many Pickaxes and felling Axes 
were destroyed or lost at Herchkermers, Williams's Fort and 
Bull's Fort; and at the Falls there was among many others no 
less than three of the Tool Battoes oversett or sunk, some of 
the things were recoverd, but lost the Hambro' Line, the 
Nails and the best part of our remaining Pickaxes and Felling 
Axes; these Articles with some Spades, we shoud be glad to 
have a supply of as soon as an opportunity offers, and I shou'd 
be glad the felling Axes were of a different kind from the last, 
which are the worst I ever saw. 


"When you get a Supply of Stationary Ware we shall be 
glad of some, We have scarce any left, and pray dont let the 
Paymaster forget to send us some Money, which we find a 
more Necessary Article than we imagined. 

"I have been ill for these three Weeks past, first of an Ague 
and now of a Flux, I am weaken'd a good deal, but I think 

"I shall write to the General by this opportunity, but as I 
cannot trouble him with all the particulars in your Letter, 
you'l be so good as wait upon him, and if he desires to know 
them you'l please to inform him. I am" etc. 
26th The Garrison upon the Business of the Shiping 
I this day writ the following Letter to his 
Excellency General Shirley. 

Oswego 26th May 1756 

I arrived here the 16 th Instant & Communicated your Ex- 
cellency's Orders Concerning the Works to the Commanding 
Officer, who after consulting some of the principal Officers 
then upon the Spot, finds that dispatching the Shiping, is at 
present of more immediate Consequence than repairing the 
Works, and as the former Requires all the hands off Duty, the 
latter has been postponed. 

"I have since that time examined the several works and 
find them very defective, especially those on the west Side; it 
woud give your Excellency too much trouble to read the 
particulars, but I have transmitted them to the Chief Engineer, 
who will lay them before your Excellency if required. I can 
consider Fort Oswego only as a Work begun, and as it re- 
quires a good deal of Expence to finish it, I shall forbear doing 
anything to it, without your Excellency's farther Orders. When 
the hurry of Business for the Shiping is over, I shall go on 
with some of the Repairs in the other Works that are most 
necessary and least Expensive. The Commanding Officer will 
use his Endeavours to reduce the price of Labour, it chiefly 
depends upon him; the want of ready Money may be some 
obstacle to it, but this difficulty I presume your Excellency 
will soon remedy. 

"As soon as I can get a few hands, I shall take a plan of 
the whole and lay down such particulars as I shall think 
Necessary, with Estimates for your Excellency's Consideration. 




"Colonel Broadstreet woud inform your Excellency that 
Wood Creek Fort was left in hand, I hear it is finished since; 
he had not Men to begin the Fort at the Mouth of Wood 
Creek; and after the Fort at the Falls was begun upon, there 
was a Necessity of taking off the Party to reinforce this Gar- 
rison. I am Your Excellencie's." &c. 

There was an alarm on Ontario Side this afternoon of some 
Indians being seen skulking about the Swamp, but they went 
off without making any attempt. 

27th The Garrison employed upon the Business of the Shiping. 
A Convoy of Battoes arrived this afternoon with Provisions 
and Naval Stores. 

28th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. 

Captain Richmond of the New York Independents marchd 
off this Morning with his Company for the German Flatts. 

29th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. There was an 
attack in the Woods on Ontario side in the Afternoon, & two 
of our Men kill'd. 

L The Garrison upon the Shiping. 

June 1st The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. 

a Corporal and eight Men orderd by the Commanding Of- 
ficer to begin the Survey but the Weather too bad. 

There were some Indians fired at from Fort Ontario and 
went off. 
2d The Garrison employed upon the Shiping 

The Survey begun by Mr. Sowers I being ill of the Flux. 
4th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping 
Mr. Sowers upon the Survey. 
The garrison and Vessels fired at one for the Prince of Wales's 

Some Indians who had been in the Woods reported, they 
had seen a french Vessel passing 12 mile point; there was a 
Schooner sent in the Evening to discover her, but did not. 
5th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. 

The Survey continued. 
The two Vessels Commanded by Captains Bradley and la 
Forey, and the small Schooner went out this Morning. 
6th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. 

The Survey continued. 
7th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. 


I went out to examine the Survey &: finding it disagree I 
began a fresh Survey. 
8th The Garrison upon the Shiping. 

I continued upon the Survey. 
gth The Garrison upon the Shiping. 

I finished the Survey of the West side. 
10th The Garrison upon the Shiping. 

I began the Survey of. Ontario Side. 
1 ith The Garrison upon the Shiping. 

The Survey continued. 
12th The Garrison upon the Shiping. 

I finished the Survey. 
13th "1 

14th L The Garrison upon the Shiping. 
15th J 
16th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping. 

The Battoe Guard consisting of a Serjeant a Corporal and 
12 Men, were at four this morning cut off by a Scalping Party 
of Indians, believed to be about 150. Two private Men made 
their Escape, the rest were killed or taken. They kept about 
the Skirts of the Wood for about an hour and half, during 
which time we fired some Shot and Shells at them. 
The Vessels returnd this Evening. 
17th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping, and clearing 
away the Wood round the Forts. The platforms having given 
way with yesterday's firing, there were 20 Men employ 'd this 
day to make new ones as p acco 1 . 

A Scoute of five Whale boats sent to the Eastward returnd 
this Evening with an account of their being fired upon from 
the shore (about 20 miles to the Eastward) by a party of In- 
dians thought to consist of 1000. 
18th The Garrison employed as Yesterday. 

A Convoy of Battoes and Whale boats arrived by whom I 
received the two following Letters from the General and 
Chief Engineer. 

Albany June the 10 th 1756 

"I received your favour of the 25 th of May with a very clear 
Description of Oswego with its Forts &c. and accordingly 
waited on the General, who desired to know the particulars 
relating to the present Condition of the Fortifications, with 


your Opinion on them referr'd in my Letter, and after an 
exact Examination of the State of the Several Works, with 
their Situation, and the Services that can be expected from 
them, considering the advanced Season of the Year, I have 
with the Approbation of his Excellency General Shirley pro- 
posed the following Articles to be executed in your depart- 
ment at Oswego immediatly. Notwithstanding your doing 
this the General desires that you will as soon as possible make 
proper Designs of larger and more respectable Fortifications 
and transmitt them here. 

i st Fort Ontario's Situation both Commands the Lake 
River and its Environs, and is by your Letter Capable of 
making a tolerable Defence against small arms, shou'd be the 
immediate point in View by the Securing it and strengthening 
it nearly to the plan and profil herein inclosed (order'd to be 
sent to you) making such improvements and ammendments 
as you may see farther Necessary for its Defence. 

"The Gate to be removed where you think proper for its 
Security and if some little Couvre-port was thrown up in front 
of it, that would not be amiss. 

2 nd "The Magazine for Powder I imagine you will think 
necessary to be considered upon at the same time, and to be 
constructed on such a Situation as will keep it dry and free 
from any Inclemencies of Weather, with room to Shift and 
Skreen the Powder (if thought necessary) also placed in Se- 
curity from Shot and Shells, and to lye Convenient for the 
Supplying your principal Works, which are supposed to have 
a small Magazine in Each. 

3— As to the Horn Work, the Repairs you have proposed 
seem to me just and right, and think as you do, that there is 
no Occasion for such a Ravelin on so short an exterior Side. 

4— Oswego Fort as it is only sketch'd. It is a Field open for 
your Constructing and Securing it properly. 

5— Since the Scalping that has happened in the Street at 
Oswego, the General is of opinion that some few Stockades 
placed properly woud prevent Such Accidents for the future. 

"His Excellency has often mentioned, that he had some 
thoughts Concerning the Removal of the Town of Oswego 
from where it is at present to the east Side, also of a Morass 
underneath, that whether a small Harbour for Boats coud 
not be made on that Spot, and desires your Opinion about it. 


"As to Tools, there are a great Quantity sent to Oswego of 
all kinds wanted except Nails which will be sent you. I spoke 
to the Paymaster about Money, and as he cannot send any up, 
desires that you'l draw on him here at Albany.— 

"There are no Ships from the Ordnance, K: of Course no 
Stationary, I shall get some from New York and supply you 
with a little Writing paper. 

"His Excellency will send you Orders for the executing 
these several Articles above mentioned which you will receive 
at the same time. 

I am &c. (Signed) Ja s Montresor Ch Engin 1 "." 

You are hereby directed to compleat the Works at Oswego 
in the manner pointed out to you by Mr. Montresor in this 
Letter I am Sir &c. 

(Signed) W. Shirley"- 

Albany 10 th June 1756 

Sir I have only to add to the inclosed that with regard to the 
Money you shall want to pay off the Workmen, You will take 
it up of the Traders at Oswego, or such other persons there 
as can furnish you with it, and draw upon the Paymaster at 
Albany for it, and your Bills shall be punctualy answerd; 
I doubt not of your transmitting Accounts of the Money paid 
to the Workmen in a Regular Way, so as to be good Vouchers 
to annex to the Warrants that shall be drawn for discharg- 
ing those accounts I am Sir (signed) W. Shirley." 

"To Mr. Mackellar". 
19th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping, clearing awa\ 
the Woods, and making Platforms, the latter as p r Account. 

I writ of this date to the Chief Engineer to acquaint him 
of my having finish'd the Survey, and to desire he woud let 
his Excellency know in answer to his Letter of the 10 th re- 
ceived yesterday, "that there was not money to be had at 
Oswego for Bills, from Traders or any Body else sufficient for 
carrying on the Works, and that an Engineer is not a proper 
person to receive or pay Money, as his certificates are the 
proper Vouchers for laying it out." 

This Letter sent by a Convoy of Battoes which returned to 


20th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping & clearing the 
Woods, and upon the Work by the advanced Guard, the latter 
as p Account. 

This morning I laid out the Work round the advanced 
Guard, to cover the Town, in place of the pickets orderd by 
the General in the Chief Engineer's Letter received the 18 th 
Inst, the former being the most Expeditious. 

21st The Garrison employed upon the Shiping, clearing the 
wood and upon the Work by the advanced Guard, the latter 
as p r Acco 1 . 

22nd The Garrison employed as yesterday, the Morns being very 
wet they wrought only for the afternoon. 

23rd The Garrison employed as Yesterday upon the Work round 
the Advanced Guard as p r Acco 1 . 

The two large Vessels the two Schooners and eight Whale 
Boats with a Party of Men and Officers went out this Evening 
to Cruize and Scout. 

24th The Garrison employed as Yesterday round the advanced 
Guard as p r acco 1 . 

25th The Garrison employed as Yesterday round the advanced 
Guard as p r acco 1 . 

Mr. Ogden of Colonel Schuyler's Regiment who had gone 
out in one of the Whale Boats the 23 d Inst, return'd early this 
Morning, and brought an account, that having gone to the 
eastward with the little Schooner and the other seven Whale 
Boats they were fired upon Yesterday Afternoon, by a con- 
siderable Body of Indians from one of the Islands off Port- 
land point. Captain McPhun in the little Schooner with a 
Whale Boat came in soon afterwards, and Lieut. Moncrieff 
one of the Officers who came with him, says that Captain 
Bickers of Schuyler's Regiment, going in near the Shore, was 
fired upon as related by Mr. Ogden, and a good many of his 
men being killed, His Boat coud not get off, that some Indians 
immediately put off from the Shore, seized the Boat and 
carryed her in, they saw only two of her hands, which were 
eleven in all taken out alive, they think Capt. Bickers and 
Mr Loe a Voluntier are killed; that He and three other Whale 
Boats immediately got aboard of the Schooner, she having 
stood farther out, and scuttled three of the Whalcboats, least 
they might fall into the Enemy's hands, and brought the 
fourth along with them, they judged the Number of the In- 
dians to be about 150. Ensign Grant came in the afternoon 


with two other Whale Boats, and says they were pursued by 
some of their Canoes. 
26th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping and upon the 
Work round the Advanced Guard; the Number upon the 
latter as pr account. 

Captain McPhun went out this Evening in the little 
27th No Men employed upon the Works. 

Captains Broadley and La Forey came in, having been met 
upon the Lake by four French Vessels one of whom carryed 
14 Guns, they judged the Enemy considerably superior to 
them in force; 

They think Captain Farmer 7 in the great schooner is taken. 
This proved true. 
28th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping and work round 
the Advanced Guard, the latter as p r Account. 

Captain McPhun was chased into the harbour by one of 
the French Vessels which we took to be the Commodore La 

Colonel Broadstreet sent an account of his arrival at the 
Three Rivers with a large Convoy of Battoes and demanded 
a Party of 100 men to be sent immediatly to the great Falls 
to cover the building of a Fort there. 

There was a Council of War called to resolve whether they 
cou'd be spared, I was askd my opinion as to the number 
requisite to put the Works in a State of Defence, I answer'd 
it woud require at the rate of 400 men for three Months. It 
was unanimously agreed that the Party demanded by Colonel 
Broadstreet coud not be spared, as carrying on the Works 
woud require a greater number than coud possibly be spared 
even with the reinforcement then acoming which consisted 
of about 230 Men including Captain Patoun's Party at Onon- 
29th The Garrison employed upon the Shiping, and Work round 

the advanced Guard the latter as pr account. 
30th The Garrison employed as Yesterday. 

The Work round the Advanced Guard finished about 9 
a clock, and the Men employed for the Remainder of the day 
in making Fascines. 
July 1st A Part of the Garrison employed upon the Shiping and the 
7 Jasper Farmer, son of a New York merchant of that name. 


Men allowed for the Works in bringing Fascines as p r Account. 

I took the Soundings of the Harbour and Entrance. 

Colonel Broadstreet arrived this day with a Convoy of about 
600 Battoes with Provisions for the Garrison and Guns and 
Rigging for the Vessels— Captains Moore and Paget with a 
Party of 150 Men, and Mr. Pitcher Commissary of the Musters 
came with him. 
2nd The men allowed for the Works employed in making and 
bringing Fascines; This Morning I began a Fascine Battery 
upon the North Wing of the Horn Work towards the Lake 
for securing that wing and defending the Entrance of the 

A Council of War called about Noon to represent the want 
of Money for carrying on the Works and in regard to detain- 
ing a company of Pioneers, to work here, which came with 
Colonel Broadstreet, to Work upon the Fort at the Falls. It 
was resolved as to the former to send an Express to the Gen- 
eral, and Mr. Lewis the Commissary, at the Request of the 
Commanding Officer, agreed to pay the Workmen for some 
time longer, tho' he had already advanced a good deal of 
Money upon that account, and had no publick money in his 
hands for a considerable time past. It was thought adviseable 
to send the Pioneers away, least their high pay might create 
a murmuring amongst the Soldiers.— 

I writ a Letter this day to Mr. Montresor representing some 
Difficulties about the Ditch and Loghouse proposed by his 
Letter of the 10 th of June at Fort Ontario, and the want of 
men and Money. 
3rd No men allowed for the Works upon account of the Mus- 


Colonel Broadstreet set out this Morning with his Convoy 
of Battoes for Schenectady. 

A Brig of 16 Guns and a Sloop of 12 guns launched this 
Morning about 10 a Clock. 

Between three & four in the afternoon there came an Ex- 
press with an Account of Colonel Broadstreet's Convoy being 
attack'd about seven miles off, Captain Paget with a Party 
of 150 Men was sent to reinforce him. About ten at Night 
there came another Express from Colonel Broadstreet with 
an Account of the Enemies quiting the Field and of his hav- 
ing taken two Prisoners, and by the Account of one of them, 


the strength of the Enemy consisted of 180 Regulars 400 
Canadians and 100 Indians, by the Account of the Other, they 

consisted of a great many more. 
4th The Morning very wet. No Men allowed for the Works on 

account of the Musters. 

Captain Moore with a Party of 200 Men was sent out about 
2 a Clock, there being an Account that the Enemy were en- 
camped on the East Side of the River seven or eight Miles up. 
This Evening arrived a small Convoy of Battoes for Mr. 
Lewis with Merchandize, one of whom brought in a french 
Prisoner who surrender'd himself two miles above the Town. 
This Prisoner says, "that about three Weeks ago they left 
Montreal with 800 Men and came in 13 days to la Baye de 
Niaoure, that they were encampd there the 24 th past, when 
the little Schooner appeared of! the Islands to the northward 
of them, that 200 Indians put off immediatly to the Island 
where the Whale Boat was afterwards taken, that in the after- 
noon when they saw the Indians fire upon our Whaleboats, 
there were 200 Regulars sent off to their assistance. That Cap- 
tain Bickers and five of his Men are alive, that Mr. Loe and 
all the rest are kill'd. That six days ago, they came from la 
Baye de Niaoure with 60 Canoes and Battoes to Riviere au 
Sable, that 200 men remain there to guard the Craft, and 600 
came forward to Scalp and take Prisoners about this place 
and attack our Battoes upon the River; that yesterday the 
Indians went off immediately after the first fire, and that the 
rest of the Engagement was continued by the Canadians and 
Regulars, that they all went off in about two hours after the 
Engagement began, that they brought only eight days Pro- 
visions w* them, that he himself had eat nothing for two Days 
which with his having lost his Way, was the reason of his 
surrendring Prisoner, that there are seventeen ships arrived 
this year from France in Canada with Merchandize Troops 
and Provisions, but does not know whether any of them are 
Men of War, that they have plenty of Bread and Pork, Chiefly 
from France and a little from our Colonies, that there are 
four Battalions in Canada King's Troops & 1500 Colonv 
Troops, two Battalions at Cataraqui. and one Battalion with 
500 Canadians at Niagara, that the Battalions consist of 500 
Men each. He says the Indians are Lords and Masters of the 
Country, and that they must all do as the Indians woud have 


them. He says the Party will get in four days to Riviere au 
Sable, and that they are to remain at La Baye Niaoure untill 
they receive the General's Orders, which they can have in 
six days from Montreal." 
5th No Men for the Works. 

A Council of War called about 12 a Clock. The Command- 
ing Officer represented "that Mr. Lewis the Commissary had 
acquainted him with his having received a Letter from Mr. 
Alexander General Shirley's Secretary of the 20 th of June in 
which Mr. Alexander told him that he woud not be con- 
cerned with any Payments made on account of the Fortifica- 
tions or any other Works about the Place, the Sniping ex- 
cepted, and directed that the People concernd in carrying on 
these Works shoud apply by Memorial to the General for 
Money for their respective Branches; that Mr. Lewis thought 
this Letter countermanded the order he had received from 
Mr. Alexander in October last for making those payments, 
and woud therefore pay no more, not even the Bills that were 
due at the time of his receiving the Letter." Mr. Lewis being 
called upon, produced the said Letter and the Paragraphs 
relating to the above particulars were read and found an- 
swerable to what the Commanding Officer had set forth, and 
Mr. Lewis being publickly ask'd whether he would advance 
any more Money for the Works as usual, answer'd that he 
did not now think himself safe in doing it and therefore would 
not. The Commanding Officer then took Notice of some De- 
sertions that had lately happen'd, and produced an Anony- 
mous Letter that was found in Fort Ontario some days before, 
tyed to a Stone, as if it had been thrown in, it was directed 
to the Officers in General; the Substance of it was as follows. 
"Gentlemen, You seem surprized at our Desertion, but youl 
"not be surprized if you'l Consider that we have been starved 
"with Hunger & Cold in the Winter, and that we have received 
"no pay for seven or eight Months; Now we have no Cloaths 
"and you cheat us out of our allowance of Rum and half 
"our Working Money". The Commanding Officer then put 
the Question, whether it would be adviseable to make the 
Men Work and trust for the payment? It was resolved that it 
would not, and that the Works coud not be carryed on with- 
out ready Money, and that Memorials should be drawn by 


those directed in Mr. Alexander's Letter to apply to the Gen- 
eral for Money. 

Captain Patoun with 1 12 Men from Onondago being joined 
by Captain Moore's Party that went out yesterday came in 
this Afternoon. 
6th I drew up a Memorial to the General for Money to carry 

on the Works, agreeable to the Resolution of the Council of 
War held Yesterday. 
7th I sent the Memorial to the General inclosed in a Letter 

of this date; the Copies of which follow. 

"To His Excellency William Shirley Sec. 

"The Memorial of Patrick Mackellar Esq 1 Sec. 

"That on the 5 Instant, it has been resolved by a Council 
of War at this place to employ no more Work men upon the 
Fortifications for want of Money. 

"That to repair the old Works and put them in a proper pos- 
ture of Defence with some additional New Works to secure the 
Town Sec. it will require 400 Men for three Months which 
will amount to £900 Sterling. 

"That delaying these Works may be of dangerous conse- 
quence, in case of being attackd, which is not unlikely to 
happen, as the Enemy are Masters of the Lake, are making 
preparations at Cataraqui, and by Report have superior 

"The Memorialist therefore prays his Excell y may remitt 
the above Sum as soon as possible, and appoint a Paymaster 
for receiving and paying the Same". 

"Oswego 7th July 1 756 — 

"Mr. Lewis the Commissary having by a Letter of the 20th 
June from Mr. Alexander your Excellencie's Secretary, re- 
fused to advance any more Money for carrying on the Works, 
and a Council of War of the 5th Instant having in consequence 
of that put a Stop to them, I have according to the Directions 
of that Letter, tho contrary to Method, sent your Excellency 
the inclosed Memorial. I am &c. 

To His Excellency General Shirley" 
8th The two Regiments were musterd by the Commissary. 

An Express sent to the General returned in the Evening 



13 th 





with an alarm of his having discover 'd some Enemy Indians 
four miles up the River. He was sent off again in the Night. 
Some of our Indian Squaws having brought an account of 
having discoverd Enemy Indians, there were two Captains 
sent out with Scouting Partys but they made no Discovery. 

Nothing Extraordinary. 

An Express to the General, and some of our Onondago 
Indians, set out this Morning; One of the Indians returnd in 
the Evening with the Death Cry and an Account of having 
discover'd a great Number of French and Indians up the 
River. Our Guards and Gentries were doubled. 

A scouting Party sent out this Morning to look for the 
Enemy, which the Indian reported last Night, but returned 
without making any Discovery. 

In the Evening an Indian from Cataraqui who had been 
with our Indians that went out yesterday and got drunk with 
them, came in without Arms and profess'd Friendship, and 
said that the Missisaguas his Countrymen were not concern'd 
in any of the Mischiefs done about this place, but wanted to 
be in Friendship with us, and come and traffick with us, that 
they were in great Want of every thing, but that the French 
told them it would not be safe to come near us, however, he 
ventured to come and try and was now at our disposal. The 
Commanding Officer having made him a favourable Answer, 
he said that he left four more Indians in the Woods, two of 
whom were our Friends, and he would bring them in to wit- 
ness his good reception, but the other two he believed were 
French in their Hearts, and they shoud not come in, nor 
woud he surfer them to do any harm. 

The Indian mentioned yesterday went out this Morning, 
as he said to bring in his Friends, but soon afterwards was 
discover'd reconoitring Fort Ontario from behind some Loggs, 
he was fired at by one of the Centries and some Men who 
happen'd to be accidentaly paraded; as soon as they fired 
they ran and surrounded him and took him Prisoner. 


Ensign Grant with a Scout of Whale-boats was sent to the 

Nothing extraordinary 

19th I 

20th j 

81 The Indian Prisoner says that the French certainly intend 

to attack, us next moon, that they lately sent 500 Men from 
Cataraqui accross the Lake but does not know their destina- 
tion, that 1200 more had moved towards the eastward to 
Cross at the Head of St. Laurence, who he believes are in- 
tended against this place, that they have a great french War- 
rior and a Number of Canon at Cataraqui; they have four 
Vessels one of 14 Guns, one of ten Guns and two of four Guns 
22 Ensign Grant returned this Morning from a Scout from the 

Eastward, and reports his having discover'd a pretty large 
Encampment upon the Lake fifteen Miles on this side of Port- 
land point. 

The Commanding Officer call'd a Council of War; and 
acquainted them with Mr. Grant's Report and the Indian's 
Information, and as there was no Answer from the General 
upon the Resolutions of the Council of War of the 5th In- 
stant, proposed whether it would not be adviseable to em- 
ploy the Troops in repairing the Works, & that the Captains 
and Commanding Officers of Company's shou'd speak to 
their Men to induce them to Work and trust for the Payment 
untill there shoud be a remittance sent up, which was unani- 
mously resolved upon. The Captains were called soon after- 
wards and acquainted with the above Resolution. 
A Snow of 18 Guns lanched this Afternoon. 
I marked out a Ditch round Fort Ontario according to the 
General's order received the 18th past. 

23rd The men allowd for the Works (as p r Account) are em- 
ployed in sinking the Ditch round Fort Ontario making Foot 
Banks and platforms, cutting Loop holes and securing the 
Gateway; at Fort George in making Platforms, Footbanks, 
repairing the Parapet and sinking the Ditch. 

The little Schooner and some Whaleboats were sent to the 
Eastward but returnd without making any Discovery. 

24th The Men allowed for the Works employed as yesterday on 
both Sides, No. as p r Account. 



25th The Men allowed for the Works employed as before p r 

The small Schooner was sent to the Eastward, but returned 
without making any Discovery. 
26th The Men allowd for the Works employd as p r Acco 1 . 

The small Schooner with a Party and some Whale Boats 
were sent out first to the Eastward, and afterwards to the 
Westward where some of the Party landed and discover'd a 
Road which they suspected had lately been made by the 
Enemy; the Party return'd in the Evening by Land and re- 
ported it. 
27th The Men allowed for the Works employ'd as before as p r 

There was a Captains party sent out to reconoitre the road 
discoverd yesterday, but it proved to be a path made by some 
of our Indians who had lately been out that way to get 

The Men allowed for the Works employed as before viz 1 
at Fort Ontario, making the Ditch &c. and at Fort George 
repairing the parapet &c. 
30th The Men allow'd for the Works employed as yesterday. 

This morning the New Brig of 16 Guns, the New Sloop of 
12 Guns and one of the old vessels of six Guns went out with 
a Command of Men on board. 
31 The men allowed for the Works employed as before. 

This morning the Vessels came in, the Brig having Sprung 
one of her Masts and the old Vessel her Boom. 

1st The Men for the Works employed as before. 

2nd The Men for the Works employed as before. 

An Indian Spy arrived from Niagara sent there by Colonel 
Broadstreet, says they have built a New strong Fort there 
with a Ditch round it & have a good Number of Guns 
mounted, but says their Garrison is not very strong. The 
French Vessels from Cataraqui arrived there with a great deal 
of Merchandize some days before he came away and were 
then ready to return. 
, f The Men for the Works employed in sinking the Ditch &c 
J at Fort Ontario, repairing the Parapet and making Platforms 
[&c at Fort George. 
5th The Men for the Works employed as yesterday. 


The Now Brig Sloop and one of ihe Six Gun Vessels went 
out upon a Cruize. 

The Indian who came from Niagara the 2nd Instant, being 
sent to scout to the Eastward brought Intelligence that he 
had seen 28 Battoes the day before coming along the Lake. 
6th The Men employed as before on both Sides. 

The Vessels being seen off near the Harbours Mouth, the 
Commanding Officer sent out Lieut. Schuyler in the small 
Schooner to Acquaint the Commanding Officer of the Dis- 
covery the Indian had made yesterday. 
7th The Men employed as before on both sides. 

The Vessels seeing a Storm rising, came into the Harbour 
about Noon. The Brig run aground being taken aback with 
a sudden squall. 

The Small Schooner went out this Morning but returned 
without making any Discovery. 
8th The men employed as before on both sides. 

The Brig was got off this Morning and had Suffer'd but 
little dammage. 
7th[gth] The Men employed upon the Works for the Afternoon 
only. The Execution of two Deserters took up their time in 
the Morning. 
10th The Men employed as before. 

A Man scalp'd this Afternoon near the Lake on Fort On- 
tario Side. 
11th The Men employ'd on Fort Ontario Side upon the Ditch, 
Securing the Gateway and making a Bridge before it. Upon 
Fort George repairing the Parapet towards the Town and 
making Platforms. 

The small Schooner being sent out early this Morning dis- 
coverd an Encampment to the Eastw d within four mile point, 
about a Mile and a quarter from Fort Ontario; She imme- 
diately put back and made the Signal concerted for her Dis- 

Soon after two Vessels, one of 12 Guns and the other of six 
Guns, the only Vessels then ready, were sent out to make the 
Enemy decamp; when they got opposite to them, they were 
fired upon with Canon, the Vessels returned the Fire and a 
Canonading ensued on both Sides for about an hour and 
half, the Vessels finding their attempt fruitless then bore 
away. The people belonging to Fort Ontario, who had been 


at Work upon the Ditch retired within; the Commanding 
Officer sent them a Supply of Ammunition and Provision and 
some additional Gunners; I offerd my Service to go there, 
the Commanding Officer told me, that he thought 1 could 
be of no use there and that my service would be wanted more 
where I was. 

Between two and three in the afternoon, we found the 
Enemy had got along all the Skirts of the Wood and some of 
them behind the Ridge to the Eastward of the Fort and be- 
hind some Loggs that lay about Upon the Ground; from this 
time a firing of small Arms began upon both Sides, which 
continued till dark, the Fort now and then firing a Gun or 
throwing a Shell when they discovered any Number of the 
Enemy together. They heard them felling Trees to make a 
Road for their Canon from their Encampment to the Fort, 
and saw they had begun a parallel (under the Cover of the 
Ridge to the Eastward) which run towards the Lake slanting 
to the Northwest. 

This Evening there arrived an Express by two Indians from 
General Abercromby to the Commanding Officer desiring him 
to go forward with the Repairs of the Works, and that he 
would send him a Reinforcement and a Supply of Money as 
soon as possible. 
12th The Night pass'd with a few Shots on both sides without 
any Attack, at Daybreak there was a Smart Fire of small Arms 
for near an hour, then slacken'd a little, and continued en- 
creasing and diminishing by turns till Evening. 

This Morning the People at Fort George were employed in 
repairing the Parapet towards the Town, sinking the Ditch 
before it and laying Timber and Plank upon the Powder 
Magazine to make it Bomb Proof. 

The two Indians with the Answer to General Abercromby's 
Express set out this morning between 8 and 9, we afterwards 
learned, they cross'd the River to the French Camp and de- 
liver'd our Letters which contained the Strength and State 
of the Garrison. 

This Evening a Body of the Enemy fired accross the Water, 
from behind the rising above the Swamp, at our Workmen, 
and another Party at our advanced Guard, but after our 
firing a few Shot and Shells at them, they retired into the 


Late this Evening Colonel Schuyler with a Detachment of 
200 Men of the 50th Regiment and his own, was sent to Fort 
Oswego to guard that Post. 
13th There were a few small Arms fired during the Night with- 
out any thing farther remarkable, at Day light there was a 
Smart fire of small Arms for some little time as the Day be- 
fore and continued in the same Manner. 

The Men at Fort George employed in repairing the Parapet 
towards the Town and sinking the Ditch. 

Between four and five I went to Fort Oswego and mark'd 
out a Trench within the Pallisades to be sunk two feet and 
the Earth to be thrown up against the Pallisades (to make a 
Breast Work for the Men to lire over) and set the people to 
work upon it. About eight I was called to attend a Council 
of War, where it was proposed, whether it would not be ad- 
viseable to withdraw the Garrison of Fort Ontario (as the place 
was defenceless against Canon) and reinforce Oswego Side. 
I was asked whether it was Canon proof, I answerd "that they 
"might fire at it for some time before they coud make a Breach, 
"but that I had seen Canon Shot go through much larger 
"Trees than any that were there and fly a considerable way 
"afterwards, but that it would have an unmilitary Look to 
"withdraw the Garrison before there was any Canon fired"; 
while they w r ere deliberating, there came an Express from 
Fort Ontario with the Opinions of a Council of War held 
there, setting forth that they heard the Enemy drawing up 
their Canon and then near at hand, and as they presumed 
their Batteries were prepared to receive them and as their 
Fort was not Canon proof, proposed whether it woud not be 
adviseable for them to retreat and join Oswego Side. The 
Council of War then sitting Resolved that the Garrison ought 
to be withdrawn, and left the Manner of doing it to the Com- 
manding Officer. 

It was then proposed whether the Vessels ought not to go 
out and endeavour to distress the Enemy, and keep the Lake 
untill the fate of the Garrison shou'd be decided, and in case 
of its being taken, go to the Westward and sink the Vessels, 
and the Men to make the best of their Way to the back of our 
Colonies? or whether they shou'd remain in the Harbour, 
assist in the Defence of the place and share the fate of the 
Garrison? I was asked whether the Vessels cou'd be of any use 


for the Defence of the place? I answerd that "their Fire 
"towards Oswego side was obstructed by the Town and there- 
"fore cou'd be of little or no use, nor did I know any use they 
"cou'd be of in the Harbour but in covering the Retreat from 
"Fort Ontario if attacked, but if they kept them in the Har- 
"bour proposed pointing Guns into their Hold to be ready to 
"sink them and prevent their falling in to the Enemy's 
"Hands". It was agreed, that if they went out, it was too late 
to annoy the Enemy, and if the Place was taken, they must 
deliver themselves to the Mercy of the French or perhaps their 
Indians without any Terms, and if they were to sink the Ves- 
sels to the Westward, they were liable to fall into the hands of 
the Indians in their Way through the Woods or perhaps per- 
ish in the Woods if they lost their Way; It was therefore re- 
solved that they shoud share the fate of the Garrison. 

The Trench laid out this Morning in Fort Oswego was 
finished about eleven, the Men were then sent to get Fascines 
and Pickets for an Intrenchment which the Commanding Of- 

The map opposite is a reproduction of the essential portions of Mackellar's 
original drawing in the Cumberland Maps in the Royal Library at Windsor 
Castle. The original measures 25 by 25^ inches, on a scale of 200 feet to an 
inch. The reproduction has been reduced to a scale of 360 feet to an inch. 


August 1756. 


A Block House 
B Traders Houses 
C Hospital and Bolting House 
D Bake House 

E Ditch within Fort Oswego made the 13 th of August 
F Retrenchment at D°. Fort laid out the 14 th in the Morning 
G Batterys of Pork Casks made the 13 th in the Evening 
H Carpenters Houses 
I Smith's Shop 

K Parallel begun by the French in the Evening 
L Batterys against Fort Ontario 
M Approaches made the 13 th in the Night 

N Battery en Barbette made the 13 th at Night against Fort George 
P Dock 

Fort George 20 

N.B. -| Fort Oswego 70 [ above the Level of the Lake. 

Fort Ontario 50 


for the Defence of the place? I answerd that "their Fire 
"towards Oswego side was obstructed by the Town and there- 
"fore cou'd be of little or no use, nor did I know any use they 
"cou'd be of in the Harbour but in covering the Retreat from 
"Fort Ontario if attacked, but if they kept them in the Har- 
"bour proposed pointing Guns into their Hold to be ready to 
"sink them and prevent their falling in to the Enemy's 
"Hands". It was agreed, that if they went out, it was too late 
to annoy the Enemy, and if the Place was taken, they must 
deliver themselves to the Mercy of the French or perhaps their 
Indians without any Terms, and if they were to sink the Ves- 
sels to the Westward, they were liable to fall into the hands of 
the Indians in their Way through the Woods or perhaps per- 
ish in the Woods if they lost their Way; It was therefore re- 
solved that they shoud share the fate of the Garrison. 

The Trench laid out this Morning in Fort Oswego was 
finished about eleven, the Men were then sent to get Fascines 
and Pickets for an Intrenchment which the Commanding Of- 

The map opposite is a reproduction of the essential portions of Mackellar's 
original drawing in the Cumberland Maps in the Royal Library at Windsor 
Castle. The original measures 25 by 25% inches, on a scale of 200 feet to an 
inch. The reproduction has been reduced to a scale of 360 feet to an inch. 


August 1756. 


A Block House 
B Traders Houses 
C Hospital and Bolting House 
D Bake House 

E Ditch within Fort Oswego made the 13 th of August 
F Retrenchment at D°. Fort laid out the 14 th in the Morning 
G Batterys of Pork Casks made the 13 th in the Evening 
H Carpenters Houses 
I Smith's Shop 

K Parallel begun by the French in the Evening 
L Batterys against Fort Ontario 
M Approaches made the 13 th in the Night 

N Battery en Barbette made the 13 th at Night against Fort George 
P Dock 

Fort George 20 

N.B. -J Fort Oswego 70 J- above the Level of the Lake. 

Fort Ontario 50 


ficer proposed for the Garrison of Fort Ontario, and for the 
Whole to retire to in case of being drove out of Fort George. 

Between two and three in the Afternoon the Garrison of 
Fort Ontario was withdrawn & landed on Oswego Side with- 
out any Annoyance from the Enemy and I believe without 
being discovered, which I judged by the Manner of their go- 
ing or rather stealing up to the Fort after its fire ceased. 

Before they left the Fort, they spiked the Guns and threw 
the Remainder of their Ammunition into the Well. When 
they landed, they were sent up to Fort Oswego to join the 
Detachment there and assist them in Carrying on the intended 
Work, but when they joined they mis'ed and fell into a Con- 
fusion, which the Officers with all the fair Means they cou'd 
use, coud not get the better of, and they perhaps thought it an 
improper time to make use of severe Measures, so that there 
was no more Work done there that Night. 

In the Evening we made a Battery or Blind of Pork Casks 
on each side of the Blockhouse to Cover the Gunners from 
Grape Shot and Swivels; behind that on the north Side there 
were two Guns and a Mortar, and one Gun and two Mortars 
behind the other on the south Side. We kept firing at the 
Enemy after they took possession of the Fort till eleven at 

Late in the Evening, I discover'd from the Advanced 
Guard, the Enemy drawing up their Canon behind Fort On- 
14th At Day Break in the Morning, we discover'd a Battery en 
Barbette erected along the Edge of the Cliff in the front of 
Fort Ontario, which we then began to fire upon, they imme- 
diately returnd our Fire, at first only with three Guns tho' 
they had six mounted, this Battery commanded all the Inside 
of Fort George, excepting a little Space that was cover 'd with 
the Blockhouse towards the Town; We fired with four Mor- 
tars and six Guns, three of which (standing upon the North 
Flank and Curtain of the Horn Work) were reversed upon 
the Platforms, One from the Indian Council House, and two 
from the Battery of Pork Casks on the North Side of the 
Blockhouse, which last two, were the only Guns that had any 

A little before five I went up to Fort Oswego and laid out 
the designed Intrenchment, and took about 200 Men to digg 


the Ditch, the rest being employed in getting Fascines and 
Pickets; when the Enemy discoverd us at Work, they directed 
a good part of their Fire upon us, but being obliged to fire 
at an Elevation upon Account of the distance, did us no harm. 
The Commanding Officer came up between seven and eight 
and approved of the Work laid out. 

Between eight and Nine Lieut. Bailey of the 50th Regi- 
ment, came up to tell me that Colonel Littlehales wanted me 
at Fort George to attend a Council of War, that Colonel Mer- 
cer the Commanding Officer was killd, and that a great Body 
of French and Indians had crossed at the Rift in order to 
surround us; all the Workmen were at the same time orclerd 
to lodge their Tools, take their Arms and march down to 
Fort George, except the Guard which consisted of 100 Men 
and was to remain in Fort Oswego. 

When I went to Fort George I found Colonel Littlehales 
(then Commanding Officer) the Field Officers and some of the 
Captains without the South Bastion, the Detachment from 
Fort Oswego were posted in the Ditch round the Work, and 
some sent in within the Work, there was likewise a Captain 
and 100 Men sent to reinforce the Advanced Guard, the En- 
emy coming then in a large Body towards that place, who 
soon afterwards march'd off from the left along the Skirts of 
the Wood, towards Fort Oswego, the Guard left there was 
then sent for to Fort George and a Party sent to bring the 
Tools; soon after the Guard left it the Enemy took possession 
of it, and took up the Brow of the Hill from the River to the 
Lake; the Enemy's Canon were by this time increased to nine 
or ten in Battery. The Commanding Officer then askd my 
opinion in the presence of the Council of War in regard to 
the place, whether it was tenable? and whether it coud stand 
a Storm? I answerd as to the former "that I did not think it 
tenable long, but desired they would consult their own 
Judgement and not take my opinion for a Rule"; and as to 
standing a Storm, "I thought that must depend upon the Be- 
haviour of both Sides, and as they knew their own Men best, 
they ought to be the best Judges". Captain Hind was called 
upon and asked the State of the Artillery. He answered that 
"there was one of the Iron Mortars burst, that the Carriage of 
one Gun was disabled, and the Carriages of four more he 
judged must be disabled in a few Rounds." Circumstances 


then being stated viz. our being exposed to the Enemy's Fire 
of a Superior Number of Canon in our Flank and Rear, and 
our being inclosed upon the other Side by a Superior Number 
from the River to the Lake; It was proposed whether we 
should Capitulate or Stand a Storm; it was agreed that out- 
standing a Storm was most becoming, but that it woud be to 
little purpose as the Enemy were certain of Carrying the 
Place in a Short time, whether the Storm Succeeded or Not, 
and that if there was a Chance for any Terms, it must be 
before an assault was made; it was therefore resolved to beat a 
Parley, and send to the French General to know what Terms 
he woud give. The Parley was accordingly beat and imme- 
diately answerd by the Enemy from Fort Ontario. There were 
then two Officers sent with a Flag of Truce accross the Water. 
Upon their Arrival at Fort Ontario they were forwarded to 
the Camp, and a French Oificer sent from the Fort to know 
what Terms we desired; whilst we were assembled to write 
them out (it being a little after ten) there arrived an Aid de 
Camp (Mons r de Bougainville) from the Marquis of Mont- 
calm with the Terms which he Agreed to give us, which were 
to deliver up all the Forts and surrender Prisoners of War, 
with Promises of good Treatment, and desired an Answer by- 

It was then proposed to ask to be sent to the Carrying 
place, but the Aid de Camp said it woud not be done, nor 
any other Terms given but those that were offer'd, so that the 
Capitulation was made out & signed and sent to the Marquis 
of Montcalm. 

Soon afterwards Mons r De la Pauze his Major General 
brought it back in French with the Marquis's acceptance un- 
der some Conditional Articles of delivering up the Artillery 
Stores Vessels and their Appurtenances, and impowering 
Mons 1 " De la Pauze to settle the Manner of performing the 
Capitulation, and to protect the Garrison from Insult. When 
every thing was settled, some of their Regulars marched in & 
posted Centries round the Work, and took Possession of all 
the Magazines both in the Town and Fort, and our People 
deliver'd their Arms; we were then carryd in Detachments to 
Fort Ontario escorted by Centries, and had a Strong Guard 
of Regulars to prevent the Indians from rushing in upon us, 
which they several times attempted. That Night they took Re- 



turns of all the different Corpses, and next day put the Offi- 
cers with their Servants on board of twenty Battoes with as 
many Women and Soldiers as made eleven to each Battoe 
besides the four Battoemen; There was an Officer and a Sur- 
geon for each Regiment kept with the Men. All the Officers 
were then required to sign a Parole of Honour not to serve 
against his most Christian Majesty untill they were exchanged 
by Cartel or otherwise; when the Parole was signed we set out 
for Montreal, without any Guard, where we arrived the fifth 

Workmen on the Fortifications at Oswego 
The Three Corpses. 






P. men 

How employed 

June 17 



Platforms in Ft. George 












Work at ye Advanced G<i 












Do 2 y e No J ye day 































7 1 











Do this Work finishd 

Tot' June 





July 1st 




bringing Fascines to Ft George 





Do & Battery to the Lake 






Workmen at 


*75 6 

50th Regiment 






P. men 

How employed 

July 23rd 





Fass tire. [?] Fort George 






Do & repair Do 





































Do 2 ye No J ye day 







Toti July 

18 938, V 


Time Overs" Sergs Corps Dr* P. men 

How employed 



oti Augt 





Fas» ire. [?] Fort George 









Do 2 ye No i ye day 








Workmen at Oswego 1756. 
Schuyler's Regiment. 


Overs* Sergs Corps Drs P. men 

How employed 

July 23rd 1 


40 \ 

24 1 



25 ' 



26 1 



27 ' 



28 1 



29 1 



30 1 



3' ' 



lot' July 9 



Augt 1st 1 



2 1 



3 1 



4 ' 



5 « 



6 1 



7 ' 



8 1 



9 1 


« 5 

10 1 



1 1 1 



12 1 



"3 • 



Tot' Aug* 13 



Fascines & Reps Ft George 







Do 2 ye No .} ye day 


Fort George 








Do 2 ye No h ye day 









at Osw 

ego 175 





Overs s 


Corp s 

Dru s 

P. Men 

How employed 

July 23 rd 




Ditch of Ft. Ontario &c 







































l i 



Do 2 y e No | y e day 







Tot 1 July 





Augt. i st 




















































Do 2 y e No ^ y e day 






Tot 1 Augt. 





Abstract of the Number of Private Men employe! on the 
Fortifications at Oswego in June July & August 1756 

Tune from the f , . . „ 

J . . , -I for the three Corpses 

17 th to the 30th \_ r 

July 1st & 2nd— for Do 



23rd to 

31st - 

50th Regiment 

5ist ' 





1st to 

13th - 

50th Regiment 
51st " 

1088 j 






" 5618-J 

From the foregoing Journal, the following Particulars, relat- 
ing to the Engineer's Conduct, appear viz 1 . 
May 17th The day after his Arrival at Oswego, He represented the 


Defects of the Works to the Commanding Officer and Ap- 
plyed for all the Men that coud be spared, to begin repair- 
ing them; there was a Council of War called in consequence 
of that Application, which postponed the Fortifications & 
carryed on the Shiping. 

25th He sent an Account of them by Letter to the chief En- 
gineer setting forth their Defects. 

26th He writ to General Shirley referring him to the Chief 
Engineer for a full Account of the Works, and mentioning 
the want of Money. 
June 18th He received the Instructions relating to the Works, agree- 
able to which Instructions, all the Works that he carryed 
on, were done. 

Do He received a Letter from the General desiring him to 
draw upon the Paymaster for Money for the Works. 

19th He writ to the Chief Engineer desiring him to acquaint 
the General, that there was no Money at Oswego. 

28th In a Council of War he estimated the Number of Men 
Necessary for repairing the Works at 400 Men p r day for 
three Months or 90 days which is equal to 36000 Working 
days of one Man, and by the preceeding Account kept of 
the Whole that were employ 'd, there is only 561 8%, which 
is not one sixth part of the Demand, and their Working 
time was often broke with Alarms, consequently the Exe- 
cution of the Works in the Instructions must fall so much 
July 7th When the Works were stop'd by a Council of War of the 
5th Instant for want of Money, He applyed by Memorial 
to the General for Money & represented the danger of 
Stoping the Works. 

If the Council of War of the 17th May postponed the 
Fortifications to carry on the Shiping, and that of the 5th 
of July put a Stop to them for want of Money, The En- 
gineer hopes it will not be laid to his Account, as he had 
neither Voice nor Sway in their Councils, but only at- 
tended to answer Questions for their Information. At 
both these Councils He spoke against stoping the Works 
and the danger attending it in case of being attackd. 
When the Works were carrying on, he frequently com- 
plained of the smallness of the Numbers allowd him, and 


was always answerd, that there cou'd be no more spared, 
and that the Men were greatly harrassed. 

From the Resolutions of both these Councils it Ap- 
pears, that there was upwards of fifty days Work intirely 
lost, and for many other days, the Numbers allowed very 
Small, which in three Months time that the Engineer had 
been there, makes a considerable difference in Works, to 
lengthen the Siege of so Defenceless a place. The former 
of these Councils, the Commander in chief had early In- 
telligence of, and the Want of Money he was acquainted 
with at the same time and was not a Stranger to it for 
some time before. 

Upon the whole then it Appears that the Engineer gave 
early Accounts of the Defects of the Works both to the 
Commanding Officer upon the Spot and to the Com- 
mander in chief, and had not one sixth part of the De- 
mand he made to put them in repair, which he is very 
certain was within Compass; when there were Men al- 
lowed for the Works, He himself as well as all the persons 
Concern'd gave due attendance and did all they cou'd to 
forward the Work in hand. His personal Behaviour and 
diligence then and throughout every part of the Expedi- 
tion, he leaves to the Accounts of all the Officers and 
Engineers who from time to time were Eye Witnesses to 

An Account of the Strength of the Garrison, & State 

of the Works at Oswego, at the Time of Its 

Being Invested, Together with an Account 

of the Naval Force at That Time, & the 

Seige of the Place, in August, 1756 


The Garrison Consisted of twenty seven Officers, twenty nine Ser- 
jeants & four hun d & eighty one Rank and File of His Majesties 50th 
Reg 1 of Foot; Twenty Two Officers, Twenty eight Serjeants, and Three 
hundered and ninety Rank & File of the 51th Regiment; Seven Officers, 
Ten Serjeants, and One hundered Twenty three Rank & File, of the 
New Jersey Reg 1 Comman d by Col Schuyler (Including the Sick of 


these Corps) Together with 1 Cap 1 1 Lieu 1 & 16 private men ol the 
Royal Reg 1 of Artillery; The Remainder of these Regiments being 
Posted at the Oneida Carrying Plate, and other Passes between Sche- 
nectady and Oswego, for guarding the Magazines there, and keeping 
open the Communication between those two places. 

The Works consisted of three Forts Viz 1 . The old Fort, or Trading- 
house; w c was in a ruinous Condition, nor designed at first or ever 
capable of resisting Artillery, built several! years ago, at the Entrance 
into the Harbour from Lake Ontario, and Commanded to the East- 
ward by a high Point of Land, about the distance of Five hundered 
Yards, on the Opposite side of the River, and to the Westward by 
another Eminence at the same Distance on the Land side, and two 
New Forts, erected on the aforementioned Eminences; The Fort On- 
tario to the Eastw d unfinished and the other to the Westw d scarcely 
begun, & which was evacuated the 13th of June 1756 (The Day the 
Batteau Guard was cutt off, on the East side of the River, a Surprize 
being apprehended from the Enemy, who were frequently in great 
Numbers about us) and not one of these Forts being tenable against 
Artillery. So that the Garrison depended wholly for its Defence, upon 
a Naval Force on the Lake, Sufficient to prevent the French, from 
bringing Artillery againest the Forts, which could only be done by 
Water Carriage. 

The Naval Force consisted of one new Brigantine, mounted with 
Fourteen Carriage Guns, Six & four Pounders, and fourteen Swivells; 
a new Sloop mounted with Six Carriage Guns, Four & three Pound- 
ers, and twelve Swivells; a Sloop and a Small Row Schooner (Both 
built last Year). The former mounted Six Carriage Guns Four Pound- 
ers, and twelve Swivells, and Two Haubitz, and the Latter with twelve 
swivels; as Likewise one large Snow, intended to carry Eighteen Six 
Pounders, & a Number of Swivels, and a schooner Capable of carrying 
Eight four Pounders, with swivels, both useless, as they had neither 
men nor Guns for them. 

On the loth of August a few of the Enemy's Indians appeared under 
Fort Ontario, and scalp't a man of Pepperrells Reg 1 who were Gar- 
risoned in that Fort. On the nth in the morning a small Schooner 
was ordered out to view the Coast to the Eastward of the Garrison, 
which very soon Returned, and fir'd a Gun (the Signal agreed upon 
for discovering the Enemy), upon this an Officer of the 50th Reg 1 was 
sent out in a Whale Boat to reconnoitre', who on his Return reported, 
that he discover'd an Encampment Sufficient for fifteen hundered men, 
but he believed their whole force, to be between four and five thou- 

220 SIEGE 

sand, as they were Regulars who were Encamp'd on the Beach, and he 
supposed the Irregulars to be concealed in the Woods, this acco tl we 
found afterwards to be prettie exact, as the Enemy had One Thousand 
Seven hundered and Fifty Regulars, and Three Thousand Five Plun- 
dered Cannadians & Indians. Two Sloops of Six and four Pounders 
were upon this Report, Order'd out to annoy the Encampment of the 
Enemy; But were soon oblidged to bear away, as they were smartly 
fired upon, from a Battery of twelve Pounders, and most of their Shott 
took place. The afternoon of the same Day, the Cannadians and In- 
dians began to fire on Ontario Fort, with their small Arms which they 
continued 'till dark, and which was briskly returned from the Fort. 
This night the Enemy opened their Trenches, and began their Parallel 
to the Northw d of the Fort, at the distance of about two hundered and 
fifty Yards, under cover of a rising ground. On the 12th at Daybreak, 
we discovered about two hundered of the Enemy's Battoes coming 
round a point, about four miles to the Eastw d of Ontario, their Fire 
from their Musquetry recommenced, and the Enemy were plainly dis- 
covered at Work, their Cannon bringing up, and a Battery ready to be 
opened upon the Fort, without a possibility of disturbing them, which 
was attempted by a few Recochett Shott, and throwing all our Shells, 
but without Effect, as their works were greatly elevated above ours; 
The Garrison was pent up in a Pickitted Fort, with a Ditch begun but 
not Compleated, & too weak to admitt of a Sortie, & but one Entrance 
to the Fort, the Picketts of this Fort which were fourteen feet high, 
were below the Level of a little hill to the Eastw d about eighty Yards, 
on which their Battery was raised, so that we could not bring one Gun 
to bear upon the Enemy. This was immediately reported to Colonel 
Mercer, with the Opinion of the Officers thereupon, which was, That 
they could not hold out above an hour or two, after opening the 
Enemy's Battery, Col Mercer agreeable to this Opinion made a Dis- 
position, and sent Orders for the Evacuation of that Fort, which was 
performed in Good Order, about four o'Clock in the Afternoon, with- 
out the loss of a man. The same Night the Enemy took Possession of 
that Post, and began a Battery to the Westward of it, which they had 
to forwardness, and opened with eleven pieces of Cannon, at Day 
break the 14th, at which time the Cannonading began, and continued 
very hott for some Hours: About eight o'Clock we discovered the 
Enemy Fording the River about a mile above us, in three Columns, and 
we have reason to believe they had passed over five or six hundered 
the night before; Our men were oblidged to quitt our Works (except 


the Officers and men on the Plattforms) and go into the Ditch as we 
were Enfiladed by the Enemy's Batter), without any (over, The Guns 
reversed on their Plattforms, and the Parapetts intended lor our De- 
fence were in our Rear, and the whole of our Works so overlook't, that 
the Feet of our men were plainly to be seen from the Enemy's Battery, 
and some of our Sick lying in their Tents, were killed by their Shott; 
Besides the Guns that were reversed on their Plattforms, we had a 
Battery of Three Guns, which played upon the Enemy, made ol Pork 
Barrells, three Barrells in heighth, and three in Breadth, these three 
Guns were all dismounted through the badness of the Carriages Re- 
mounted on Fresh Carriages in the midst of the Enemy's Fire, and 
dismounted a second time which rendered them usless having no more 
Garriages. During the Fire our seven Inch Mortar burst, & it is to 
be observed our Magazine which was only cover'd with Plank & Turff, 
so far from being Bomb Prooff, was not Proff againest a Six pound 

About 10 o'Clock we discovered the Enemy, to the amo 1 (as we after- 
wards learned) of Three Thousand Five Plundered, Filing off and 
Surrounding us, & the Marquiss De Montcalm with the Regulars on 
the East side of the River, ready to pass over to make a General As- 
sault, Colonel Littlehales on whom the Command devolved then called 
a Council of War, and demanded the Opinion of the Engeneers as to 
the State of the Garrison, Which they declared was not Tenable, upon 
which the Chamade was Beat, and an Officer sent over with a Flag of 

Jno Barford, Capt 
Gusts Kempeni elt, Capt. 
William Joyce, Lieut 

J: How 

James McManus. Lieut 
Day: Haldane, Lt & Adjut. 
Trevor Newland, Lieut 
Jno Stewart: Lieut 
Arch. Hamilton, Lt 
Wm Cook, Lieut 
Richard Marshai.e, Ensign 
Thomas Grant, Ensign : 

1 All of these officers were in Pepperrell's 51st regiment. 


Henry Fox to Governor Charles Lawrence 


WHITEHALL 14 th Aug st 1 756. 


I have received your Letter of the 28 th of April, and the King having 
observed, that by the Departure of the two New England Battalions, 
upon the Term of their Enlistment being expired, and by the Sickness 
among the Regulars, there might not be a sufficient Force for the 
Security of your Province against the Enemy; His Majesty has given 
Directions, that a Number of Men should be forthwith draughted 
from the several Battalions of Foot in Ireland, & be sent, under the 
Care of proper Officers, to Nova Scotia, to compleat the three Regi- 
ments there to their proper Complement, & it is The King's Pleasure, 
that you should, as soon as possible, augment your Garrisons on the 
Isthmus, and proceed in finishing those Works, which you were di- 
rected, so long ago as the 13 th of Aug st last year to make at Fort Cum- 
berland, and for which purpose, the Sum of £10,000. was entrusted to 
you, by the Order of the Lords Justices. 

You do not seem to have sufficiently attended hitherto, to the keep- 
ing a Strong Garrison upon the Isthmus which appears to The King to 
be an Object, of the utmost Importance, & superior, at this time, to 
any other within your Government, even to that of Halifax itself, 
which is not in equal Want of a numerous Garrison especially whilst 
it continues to be so well guarded by the Naval Force now in those 
Seas. It is also very necessary not to suffer the French Inhabitants, 
(particularly if mixed with the Indians, and commanded by French 
Officers) to remain near the Bay of Fundy, as there is no doubt of their 
surprizing the Forts on the Isthmus, in Case the insufficient Force in 
those Garrisons should give them the least Prospect of Success. 

But it is hoped, that as soon as the Reinforcement from Ireland shall 
arrive, you will not only be able to execute the Services abovemen- 
tioned, but also to send a sufficient Number of Troops to the River S 1 
John's for the Security of those Parts. 

I am &c. 
H. Fox. 



Loudoun to Cumberland 

Albany 20th August 17",'). 

/. I shall not trouble Your Royal Highness, with a repetition of 
any thing that is in my Letter to Mr. Fox, and must beg your Protec- 
tion, if I am found fault with, for delaying to write from New York; 
I could have told You nothing but that I was arriv'd; and here my 
Letters have been detained from day to day, by the Quibbles of the 
Provincials: for without them, I had nothing to Stop the progress ol 
the Enemy, if they had invaded Us, which they certainly would have 
done; and now that I have settled matters with them, as far as I can, 
my next care must be, to prevent their throwing themselves away, as 
the Consequence of that will be, letting in a Torrent I am in no 
Condition to Stop; If I can manage this point with the Provincials, 
and be able to stop up the Entry into this Country, by Wood-Creek 
and South Bay, which, by any Accounts I have yet got, will be very 
difficult; and can preserve Oswego, and the communication with it; 
and get our Naval Force there, on a more respectable Footing; I hope 
Your Royal Highness will not think We have been Idle: But how far 
we shall be able to Effect that point, I dare not yet promise; for we are 
at present groping very much in the dark.— no Intelligence; no part of 
the Country reconnoitred; few Men to Act; with no one thing provided 
for moving them, but Provisions; which I have the greatest difficulties 
to transport to the Places where wanted. The real State of the Troops 
here, in Major General Abercromby's and M r Webbs Regiments, are as 
returned, but in want of maney things, and must soon be naked, as 
you will see by the returns transmitted; those two I hope soon to com- 
pleat: Major General Abercromby's from the Carolina Companies, 
which M r Dobbs, in a Letter I have just received from him, offers in 
the handsomest manner to turn over to Us; and M r Webb's I hope to 
compleat from the Provincial Troops, when they are dismissed; be- 
sides getting a good many of them for the Royal Americans. As to the 
50 th & 5/ 5 ' Regiments, I shall soon be able, from M r Webb's return, to 
give you an Account of them: but by all the Accounts I have yet got, 
I shall have them to raise and discipline; the Independent Companies 
just as bad; So that Your Royal Highness sees, I have little to depend 
on at present, but Major General Abercromby and M r Webb's Rcgi- 


ments, with the Nine hundred Men of Lieu 1 Gen 1 Otway's, and the 
Highlanders; and you see, Sir, how I am forced to divide them. 

2. From the Indians, you see we have no support; Some Rangers 
I shall be obliged to keep all the Winter, till I can make some of our 
own people fit for that Service. When I arrived, I found there was a 
disposition in the Soldiers, to go out with Indians and Rangers, and 
that some of them were then out; I shall encourage it all I can, and if 
the parties that are now out, have success and escape, we shall soon 
get a knowledge of this Country, and be able to March with much more 
safety than at present; for I am convinced, that till we have every thing 
necessary, for carrying on the War here, within ourselves, Independent 
of Aid from this Country, we shall go on very slowly. 

3. We are employed at present, in finding out and Collecting the 
things that have been provided, as we hear, for the Army, and pre- 
paring every thing wanted; which in reality is every thing. You will 
see the Reports we have of the Fortifications at Oswego, Fort William- 
Henry, and Edward, much to be done at each of them; The Fort here 
ruinous; the Town is Palisaded round, these all Rotten; Barracks, Hos- 
pital, Store-Houses still to be built; not one shilling to do this with, 
but one thousand Pound Currency, rais'd by this Province for Bar- 
racks; Not a bit of wood for all these Operations to be had, but at 
double price; for tho' the Country is all Wood, 'tis all granted away, 
and so become private property, and nothing reserved for the King; 
with all those difficulties we are struggling, but must get through 
before winter, and shall acquaint you from time to time, with the 
manner in which we get the better of them. 

4. The next difficulty will be, settling the Money matters of the 
Army, which is I doubt, as much in a state of Confusion, as the other 
Affairs; and if I can make the necessary provision, and set things on a 
clear footing, before next Campaign, I shall think myself very happy: 
for those purposes, I imagine, I shall remain here, most, if not all the 

5. The Case of the Commissions granted by Major General Shir- 
ley, I have mentioned in my other Letters; I hope Your Royal Highness 
will approve of my general resolution on that Subject, and send me 
your Orders, in relation to the Company Sold. 

6. As to the 3 d Article in my Instructions, I understood, that Your 
Royal Highness had agreed, that the Non-Effective fund, should stand 
here on the same footing, as it does in Europe; and without it does, it 
is impossible to recruit the Regiments, except by Warrants from me, 
which I never can pass, whilst that Article stands in my Instructions; 


So that the Recruiting must either totals Stop, or I be undone in car- 
rying it on. And the Royal American Regiment's Affairs, will come un- 
der the same misfortune, both as to the Original Accounts charged on 
it, and the Expence of Transporting the Recruits and Officers from 
Germany; which Accounts I never can pass, as long as this Article re- 
mains in my Instructions; therefore, I most humbly beg Your Royal 
Highness's Protection. 

7. The Expences here, are immense; the Pikes of every thing in 
this Country are dear, by the managem 1 of our Predecessors; all those 
Prices to the Publick are exorbitant; that of Indian Affairs in par- 
ticular: for last year, during the Struggle, to take the Managem 1 of 
them out of Sir William Johnson's hands; those people who formerly, 
as Sir William informs me, did not cost above Six pence a day, were 
paid four, Six, Eight and ten Shillings a day, and some up to Nineteen 
Shillings; those People are naturally Avaricious, and this has made 
them insatiable. 

8. There has an unlucky affair happened, in relation to one 
Jerry, which I have not mentioned in my Publick Letter, but reserved 
it for this to Your Royal Highness. This Jerry was one of the Indians, 
who attended Major General Braddock last Year; he deserted from 
them, and Scalpt several of their People; he was afterwards taken, by 
the few Indians who remain'd with that Army, who woidd have killed 
him, as I am informed, but that Colonel Dunbar prevented it, for fear 
of Offending the Indians in their Neighbourhood; he had lately 
Join'd himself to the Tuscorora Indians, and came along with them 
and some Mohawks, who came here with Sir William Johnson, to 
make me a visit, this Man has since been Murdered, and his Head 
found next morning on a Post, at the Head of the 44 th Regiment, at 
Schenectady. The enclosed Copies of Letters, will shew you my opin- 
ion of this Affair, and the Steps I have taken upon it. The first Order 
I writ, I kept no Copy of; but I hope what are here sent, will suffise 
to shew, that I have so far done my duty in it. 

o. Whilst I was writing this, I received two Letters from Major 
General Shirley, with a heap of Papers, all which I have order'd to 
be Copy'd, and shall send them to the Secretary of State; if M r Shirley 
had not been ready to Sail, I should have kept them till next packet, 
and have explained the falsehood contained in them, at large: but as 
time will not allow me to do that now, and he may gain Credit bv 
such Assertions, before the truth is known, I only writ Marginal Notes 
on them. I think the Second Letter, when Your Royal Highness com- 
pares the first part of it with the last, and many particular paragraphs, 


will Justify me, when I say, what I have been told by many People 
since I Landed, (which I intended not to have mentioned, till I had 
vouchers to have sent along with them;) that he has been the first con- 
triver and fomenter oi' all the Opposition, the Neiu England Men 
make, to being Join'd to the Kings Troops; in order to raise a party for 
himself, and to shew the King's Ministers, that nobody can serve the 
Crown in this Country, but himself; and since he has failed in part, 
of keeping up the difference so wide as he hoped, between the Kings 
regular Troops, and those raised in the Provinces, he is now endeavour- 
ing to raise a Flame, all over the Provinces; and in order to make me 
personally ill with the New England People, which he shall not be 
able to do; he has told them, that I used the harsh words, you see in 
the Extract of his Letter to M r Winslow: As I knew at that time, that 
the dispute with the Provincials, was totaly owing to him, all I said 
on the Subject, was, that I was sorry to find, that the New England 
Troops had declined a Junction with the regular Troops: And his 
answer was, that they were Jealous of their Rank; but that when they 
were got up to Tiendorogo, and found things difficult, then they 
would agree to a Junction. I said no more of the Troops; but added, 
that if there were any particular persons, who had either contrived 
that measure, or that now fomented the difference, I believed they 
would be looked on at home, as little less than fomenters of Rebellion; 
which struck him all of a heap: and there the Conversation ended. 

10. I have said above the New England Troops, because they are 
the only People, with whom there is any dispute about a Junction; for, 
the New York Troops, have orders to be under the Commander in 
Chief; the New Jersey Regiment has been last year, and are now this 
year, at Oswego, and are entirely under my Command; as are the 
Companies raised by North Carolina. 

ii. I have sent a Copy of the Letter he writ to Sir Charles Hardy, 
to shew the double part he has acted; the Provincials, when they were 
with me, did assure me, they have a Letter under his Hand, assuring 
them that they should not be Join'd with the regular Troops, but that 
they had left it in Camp; if there is such a Letter, I shall one day get 
hold of it, and send it. 

12. I ask Pardon, for troubling you with so much about M r Shir- 
ley; but it is pretty strange, that he says he has provided every thing, 
for we, either he or I, must be most infamous tellers of untruth; but 
when I can collect those great Provisions made, you shall have a return 
of them. I hope the Treasury will not be in a hurry, of passing his 
Accounts; from what I have already seen, I shall have something to 


inform them of, worth their knowing before they pass: I have in my 
hands, what never was intended for me, an Account with five ]><■> Cent 
Commission; and I am informed, that Commission raises in man) 
cases to ten per Cent, and in some, to thirteen per Cent; but this is 
pretty well guarded against discovery, yet I think I shall gett at it. 

75. I believe I shall have a good deal to say, on the Article of 
Arms, but I am not ripe on that Subject, as I have had no time to 
attend to those things yet; but the Winter will bring many things to 

1 j. As there will be another Packet to Sail soon, I will trouble 
Your Royal Highness no farther at present. 

75. Since writing the above part of my Letter, the Intelligence 
of the loss of Oswego has arrived; this last Account, Your Royal 
Highness will perceive, comes only by a Man who has made his Escape 
from thence; but when I add to that, the Intelligence of an Indian, who 
came to Sir William Johnson, the day before, and gave an Account that 
he saw the Enemy, throwing up works before it, and from the knowl- 
edge of the badness of the Garrison, and the defenceless Situation of 
the Fortifications, which the Enemy must have known, from the great 
numbers of deserters they had from thence; and having no Express this 
day, to contradict that of yesterday; and knowing, that there has been 
but one Letter from thence, since Major General Abercromby arrived, 
which was directed to Major General Shirley; and that all the Mes- 
sengers we have sent, have been prevented from getting there by the 
Enemy: We have concluded it to be true, and have taken our measures 
accordingly; the general purport of which, Your Royal Highness will 
see, from my Letter to M r Webb, and the Copies of my Letters to the 
different Governors, and to M r Winsloic. 

16. There are now about five hundred Recruits raised for the 
Royal American Regiment, and I have given Orders, to send up the 
Men they can raise, by five hundred at a time, in order to croud up 
men here as fast as possible, to enable us to Act, in whatever shape we 
may be able. 

77. I must endeavour to remedy that total want of Intelligence 
in this Country; the distances are so great, and no way has ever been 
tried, but by Indians, who are in no Shape to be relied on, that we 
really know nothing at present: And I am at a loss to Judge what Step 
the Enemy will take on this Success; I think they will not Fortifv Os- 
wego, as they have a better Port on the Lake, and should rather im- 
agine, they will erect a Fort at the Falls, twelve Miles on this side of 
it, in order to Stop our getting there again: but the Question is, if they 


are to build a Fort, whether they will remain to do that now, or will 
push on, and secure as many of the Forts on the way thither, as they 
can; as they are plentifully provided in Boats to Transport them, 
there is another Plan they may have, which is to send off a Detachment 
cross the Lake, clown the River S* Laurence, across from Le Preau fif- 
teen miles good Road to Lake Champlain; those will be very trouble- 
some there, but I should hope, if we have Success with the Colonies, 
we might still make a push for Osiuego, if they leave that Post weak. 

18. Your Royal Highness sees, what situation we found things in, 
at our outset; and all I can promise, is, we will do our utmost to make 
them better. 

19. Arms will be greatly wanting, for I expect a very bad account 
of what was sent here before. 

20. As there are so few Officers of those two Regiments, 50. & 
51 st remaining, I shall not take any Step towards Recruiting of them, 
till I receive Orders upon it; but shall compleat the other Regiments 
out of the Few Men left. And as you are not likely to get back the 
Officers, as the French give up no Prisoners in this Country, Your Royal 
Highness will be so good as to consider, in what manner you will re- 
place the loss of those two Regiments, which we should have made 
two thousand Men on this Establishment. 

21. Your Royal Highness sees the yet uncertainty of our Accounts 
of this Affair, and the reasons for which we give it Credit, and the 
Measures we have taken; which I hope will meet Your Approbation 
whatever is the case. In the first place Sir John S* Clair is afraid, the 
Carrying Place, which is 80: Miles on this side of Oswego, is to[o] far 
advanced for us to support; we differ, but have given discretionary 
Orders to M r Webb; and in them you see our Reasons, the Steps taken 
with the Southern Colonies, to make them secure their Frontiers, and 
compleat the Royal American Regiment, can have no bad Effect; and 
the engaging for the Money, is what we must have paid in all events, 
for we should never have had a Shilling from them. 

22. If we succeed with the New England Colonies, and get a num- 
ber of Men, in one event, we may be enabled to make a push; in the 
other to prevent any great Evil happening. 

23. This Post of Albany is a material one; here are our Magazines, 
here is the only Communication with the low Countries; here Centers 
the Communication with Crown Point: and here Centers the Com- 
munication with Osiuego, and all the Country above this, on that 
Road; from whence we draw a great part of our Provisions; and from 
this, the People advanced, must be totaly supplied. 


24. It is defenceless by it's situation, and at present has only a 
rotten Stockade, which we are repairing, for at present we are not able 
to do more; it is liable to Attack, not only by the way of Lake George, 
where we have a Fort, but by Wood-Creek and South-Bay; from whence 
they can come, either by Fort Edward or Saratoga. 

25. M r Webb is sufficient for the Command on that side, and the 
Provincials and we are not so well settled, as to be able to Join, with- 
out creating Confusion; nor are they strong enough to Act; here is the 
place where we have every thing to collect, and indeed almost every 
thing to get; the People of the Country to be brought to be Service- 
able, which is not the case at present; and every thing to forward from 
hence. At present I think I can be of ten times the use I could be in 
any other place; and therefore propose remaining till some Incident 
sends me off at once to any Quarter where I may be wanted.— I know 
the Citty will think this wrong, but if I can be so happy, as to have m\ 
Masters, and Your Royal Highness Approbation, the other will give 
me no trouble. 

26. I have sent home, an Extract of Col° Mercer's Letters of last 
Winter, shewing the Situation of that Garrison; the Originals of which, 
shall not get out of my hands, till I find a safe opportunity of sending 
them home; I am told there are many more of the same sort, which I 
will endeavour to come at; I am likewise informed, that there was a 
Subsequent Letter procured from the Colonel, shewing his surprise 
such a Report should ever have been raised; that Letter I will en- 
deavour to get, if M r Shirley has not carry'd it home; but I hope it will 
deceive nobody, as I dare say you will believe me, when I assure you 
the Originals are in my hands, and this moment another Letter, of 
which I have sent a Copy. 

2-]. x I shall likewais beg leave to Say that I hope the Dates of 
letterfs], Commissions. &c will Desave [deceive] nobody, for I shall be 
able to show very soon that those have been made Free with on all 
occasions to serve Purposes. Many Instances I have Seen, but I have 
one must come out at one [once], for the Officer must at least be Brook 
if this does not appear \\s the Pay of the Regt by his [i.e.. Shirley's] 
Secretary's Memorandoms the Warrants for the Pay were Regularly 
Granted, tho I know-that is I have the greatest reason to believe— 
they were not and I imagine no Man in his Senses will give his Aid to 
Prove he had Eight Months Pay in his Hands of the Regt without 
paying them espatialy when it will appear he had an opportunitv of 
Transmitting it to the Regt. 

1 The remainder of the letter is in Loudoun's handwriting. 


28. Since I writ the Above there are four Men of M G Shirlyes 
Regt and two of M G Pepperells Regt come in from Oswago they had 
all formerly Desarted from the French. I have sent there Examination 
Inclosed I have yet no furder Information of this Affair or of the 
Motions of the Enemy so that all I can do at Presant is to Collect and 
Prove every Necessary thing I am able, to be in readiness to give the 
Propper Aid where it shall be wanted. 

29. I have Just receved a letter from Governor Morris with an 
account that Fort Granvil has been taken by a Body of French and 
Indians Commanded by a French Officer and that the Fort at M c - 
Dowals Mill has been abandoned by the Provincials. Those things will 
I am afraid stope the Recruting and oblige me to leave a Battalion in 
Pensilvania where I hear they are endeavoring to find out every Evesion 
to Disapoint the Recruting Act and I shall only ad that I have sent 
a Message to Mr Shirly by his Secretary that if he does not go home I 
will send him in a Shape he will not like. He does me infinit Mischiff 
but I am not yet Ripe to Send all the Evidence against him. 

I am Sir Your Royal Highness Most Duttefull And Obedient Servant. 


[Endorsed] Albany, August 20 th , 1756. Lord Loudoun to H:R:H: inclosing 
17: papers. 

Loudoun to Cumberland 


Albany, 29 th August 1756. 

Enclosed I send Your Royal Highness, a Copy of a Letter I received 
from Major General Webb, with my Answer to it; I should not have 
done this, but that I thought it necessary, now on my outset, to make 
Your Royal Highness entirely Acquainted, with not only the things I 
do, but the manner of doing them. 

The delays we meet with, in carrying on the Service, from every 
parts of this Country, arc immense; they have assumed to themselves, 
what they call Rights and Priviledges, totaly unknown in the Mother 
Country, and are made use of, for no purpose, but to screen them, 
from giving any Aid, of any sort, for carrying on, the Service, and re- 
fusing us Quarters. 

By the Mismanagement of the Commissary of the Transports, in 
Enlisting part of the Sailors in the Transports, and not employing 


them afterwards, and allowing the others to run away, I am now 
beginning to receive some of the Recruits lor those two Regiments, and 
cannot for my heart, get up either Artillery or Ammunition, or hardly 
any thing, from thence. 

As to Quarters, this is the only Town has ever given any; Sir Charles 
Hardy, got them to Quarter the two Regiments, that came from 
Plymouth; but they very soon repented of what they had done, and 
when a detachment went out, would give no Quarters to those returned 
from any Command: I endeavoured all I could, by gentle means, to 
get the better of this obstinacy, for near a fortnight, till at last, the 
Mayor sent me a Message, to inform me, that he understood the Law; 
that I had no right to Quarters, or Store Houses, or any thing else from 
them, and that he would give me none. The Mayor is a Fool, and has 
made a great fortune by Supplying the French in Canada, which is 
now stopt since we come here, which provokes him; therefore I did 
not stop there, but sent for the Recorder, who is a Man of more sence, 
and told him the custom, in time of War, in all Countries, even in 
England itself, and the necessity there was, of Troops been lodged, 
and having all necessary things found for them here, in a Frontier 
Place; that I would in every thing, take the Civil Magistrate along 
with me, if they would Assist me; if they would not, I must follow the 
Custom of Armies, and help myself, for that I could not sit still, and 
see the Country undone, for the Obstinacy of a few Men: the Recorder 
did all he could, to change the Mayors Resolution, but to no Effect: 
So I have since that, Quartered the Men, by my own Quarter-Masters, 
and hitherto have billetted none, but where we had Billets from the 
Magistrates: On this occasion they have shut out several Officers, but 
have always made it up. till last Night, that another Cannadian 
Trader, threw an Officer's Baggage into the Street, and Barricaded the 
Door; and I sent a file of Men, and got the officer into Possession: my 
resolution is, if I find any more of this work, whenever I find a leading 
Man, shut out one of the People, to take the whole House for an Hos- 
pital, or a Store House, and let him Shift for himself. 

There are two Officers here, wore out and incapable for the Service, 
in this part of the World, whom I have given leave to go home; the 
one is Captain Maloy; of Major General Abercromby's Regiment, 
who was the Serjeant that defended Revon, in 1745; the other, is Lieu- 
tenant Wender of Major General Shirleys, who is likewise very Old, 
and has lost a great part of his Scull; they both hope to be put into 
the Invalides; and are only absent with leave, which I should not have 
granted, if they could have been of any use to us here; So Your Royal 


Highness will determine about them, as you shall see propper: they 
have both been very Gallant Men in their time. 

Since closing my Letter to M r Fox, I have received a Letter from 
M r Webb, Acquainting me, that his Party, sent out to bring Intelli- 
gence from Oswego, are returned; that they got as far as the Onondaga 
Indians, who assured them, that Oswego was burnt; that the french 
were gone off; that they had cut down a great many Trees on the River, 
above Oswego, before they went; that the ground at Oswego, lay cov- 
er'd with dead bodies, which raised such a Stench, they could smell it 
at a great distance; that they saved very few but Sailors, and a few 
Officers; that they said, that they were very much obliged to the Eng- 
lish, for furnishing them with so many Cannon, to take their own 
Forts; that they hoped soon, to take Fort William Henry, and to be at 
Albany after that: but as those Onondago Indians, would not allow 
them to go on further, for fear as they said, of meeting with some par- 
ties of French Indians, who may be left behind; I by no means like 
this Intelligence. 

Sir William Johnson Acquaints me, that the Party he has sent out, 
has orders, not to go by any of the Indian Castles; I shall be very im- 
patient, till they return, and that I know something with certainty, 
of their Motions: Sir William Johnson is very 111, of a Bloody flux; he 
will be a great loss to us, if we lose him. 

Affairs here, are in a very bad situation; Your Royal Highness 
knows what Troops I have; the New England Men, by all Accounts, 
frighten'd out of their Senses, at the name of a French Man, for those 
are not the Men they use to send out, but fellows hired by other Men 
who should have gone themselves; and the Forts much worse than we 
imagined; but those two things I shall be able to Inform you of, with 
Certainty, when Colonel Burton and M r Montresor return, whom I 
hourly expect. 

The Enemy I am afraid, are much stronger than You think, and all 
Accounts agree, that there is a Battalion of the Irish Brigade here; 
they Scattered Letters all round Oswego, this last Spring, promising 
great Rewards, to any Soldiers that would come over to them; which 
drew great numbers of the Irish Recruits, from the two Regiments 
there, which were mostly Roman Catholicks; And I will be far from 
venturing to assure You, that there are no Roman Catholicks in the 
other Regiments, tho' all possible care has been taken to prevent it, 
by Lieutenant Colonels Gage & Burton, and I find, most of the deserters 
from them, are Irish. 

I have yet no returns, to the Circular Letters I writ, on the taking of 


Oswego: I hope they will fill up their New England Men, with better 
than they were first; but I must leave the Second Battalion of the 
Royal Americans, at least for some time, in Pensilvania; the first I 
think, I shall compleat immediately, and soon get here, il I can move 
any thing in this Country, which 1 think, it 1 had a little more leisure 
on my hands, I could do. 

They will give you, not one Shilling, to tarry on the War; they will 
give you no one thing, but for double the Money it ought to cost; that 
I cannot help Just now, but I hope a time will come, that with a little 
Sweet and a little Sower, they may be brought about. 

I am, Sir, your Royal Highness most dutefull and obedient Servant 

Albany, August 30th, 175c). I have just now received an Express from 
Sir William Johnson acquainting me that an old Indian is just arrived 
with him on whose Fidelity he can depend: who says the French are 
preparing at Oswego to attack the Great Carrying Place. That was 
what I suspected they would do, the Moment I saw the Onondago In- 
dians would not let our Party proceed. 

I have given Orders to send Mr. Webb 250 of the Highland Regi- 
ment, with Rogers Company of Rangers of 50. I send Buchanan of the 
Train with 12 of the Gunners and Orders repeated to send away all 
the useless things they have with them, such as Cannon dismounted, 
Shot for Guns at Oswego, and all the Atterail of Stores gone there. 
This is all the Supply I am able to give them. 

I beg your Royal Highness will turn in your Mind what is to be done. 
I imagine it must end in an Expedition up the River St. Lawrence. 
Can you give us a Fleet to Support us? I will let you know, as soon as I 
can see how things will turn out, what Prospect of Success there 
may be. 1 

[Endorsed] Albany, August 29: 1756. Lord Loudoun to H:R:H: inclosing Two 

Loudoun to Cumberland 1 


Albany Octr 2d 1756 

I have made my Secretary coppy most of the Letters I have the Hon- 
our to write to you in order to save you the Trouble of reading a very 

1 The postscript is in Loudoun's handwriting. Sec the note to the following letter. 

1 Loudoun's autograph letters present a problem to the editor, for he wrote so 

execrable a hand that it is often impossible to tell how he spelled, and he never 


bad Hand, but what follows I thought your Royal Highness would 
rather choose to have from me directly. 

/ st I shall begin with the Deputy Quarter Master General, who has 
lived very ill with both my Predicessors, but I hope that is all over 
now, for so far as I can judge we are on a very good footing and I have 
talked to him on all sort[s] of Business either such as belonged properly 
to the Bussiness of his Department, or where I could get light from the 
Experience he has had in the Service. Some times our Oppinions vary 
but realy very seldom; when they do, I take my own Way if his Argu- 
ments do not convince me. I think the only one was about defending the 
Great Carrying Place, which he thought at too great a Distance; that 
you see Mr Webb settled for us both without my Knowledge till it was 
done, and I wish it had been still to do for the appearance it had among 
the Indians. 

2 dly In this Country the Qr Mr General has a great deal of Bussi- 
ness, more than in any Service I ever was in, which arises from the 
Variety of Services going on at the same time in so many different 
Places; the Supplying the Garrisons and Troops at the two Forts, sup- 
plying the Parties on the Mohawk River and carrying on the Works 
here, of Hospitals, Store Houses, and Barracks, besides the stockading 
the Town and making some little Works, which is all it can admit of, 
not one Carriage provided, nor in my Power hitherto to make a Con- 
tract to carry on those Services, makes an infinite deal of Work, and Sir 
John is not at all well, and I think cannot hold it a great while, for he 
has still great Pain from his Wound, and every little burdern [Accident] 
lays him up, and if he were gone, from any thing I have yet seen of 
the People here I do not know where to find one to put in his Place. 
The likliest Man I see is Major Robertson. 2 He had one Depute when 
I arrived whom he did not choose to post[part with], Mr Leslie, but as 
I found they were not able to carry on the Bussiness, I was obliged to 
give him Captain Christie as an Assistant. 

punctuated. The copies of the Windsor Castle originals which were made by the 
staff under Miss Mackenzie's direction have been collated with the copies in Lou- 
doun's Cumberland letter book in the Huntington Library, which were made at 
the time by Loudoun's secretary, John Appy. In many cases Appy was not as careful 
nor as accurate as the staff at Windsor Castle. Moreover Appy's love for excessive 
punctuation, which can be seen in the L.S. Loudoun to Cumberland letters in this 
volume, often completely altered the meaning which his chief intended. The editor 
has thought the wisest solution to this problem to present a mean between the 
modern and the contemporary copy, giving Loudoun every benefit in spelling and 
holding Appy to a judicious use of commas. By this device the sense is better pre- 
sented. The words in brackets are Appy's reading in cases which seemed doubtful. 
This plan has been followed for all of Loudoun's A. L.S. letters in this volume. 

- James Robertson of the 6oth regiment, later deputy cpiartermaster general and 
governor of New York. 


?' I have here told you the footing I imagine I stand in with Sir 
John; but you will know better how that realy is from his own Letters. 
_/ u > M. G. Abercromby is a good Oflicer, and a very good Second 
Man any where, whatever he is employed in. 

5 th Mr. Webb, by being detatched, has been little with me, and I 
was afraid the things that happened on that Command might have 
soured him; but now that he is returned I do not find it has. I proposed 
at first to have carry'd him up with me, but[and] that he should have 
commanded at Saratoga, for[but] there is so much to do here and the 
People of the Place so extreamly unruly, that I have determined to 
leave him here. 

6 lh As to the Corps Col. Monro does what he can to keep that 
Regiment 3 right, but they must have many Examples made before it 
will do. None of them have ever been in Service. These Men are large 
Bodied but the most unruly[urnuly] I ever met, and I think by next 
Campaign I shall make the pressed Men better than the old ones; and 
the Officers want full as much to be reclaimed as the Men, and I have 
not hitherto been able to bring them to act like other Troops. They 
have overdrawn their Provisions; they have lost the Live Stock I de- 
livered to them, and they have taken others in their Place; all which I 
have ordered to be paid to the last Shilling, which I hope will do them 
good as it will amount to above one hundered Pound. 
7 th Lt Col Gage is a good Officer and keeps up Discipline Strictly; 
the Regt is in Rags but look like Soldiers. 

S lb Lieut. Col° Burton I did not know before, but he is a diligent 
Sensible Man, and I think will be of great use here. 
9 th Both those Regiments have some Men in them that with all the 
Severity they are able to use, they are not able to lave of [cure of] Theft 
and Drunkenness, but I must do them the Justice to say, they have no 
Bowels on them. 

10 th The Highland Regiment will be a good one next Year, but 
they have not near two hunderd Men left of their old Ones. 
// th Lieut. Col Bouquet is a diligent Officer and seems to under- 
stand his Bussiness, and if we can keep the Men now we have got them, 
will make a good Battalion next year, but I doubt we shall be very 
much disapointed in the Engineers. When I know from my own 
Knowledge I shall acquaint your Royal Highness just as it appears 
to me. 

/2. I have in my Letter to the Secretary of State mentioned my 
Opinion of the Operations for next Campaign; that Qucbeck is the 
3 The 35th regiment. 


Point we should push for, by the River St. Lawrence. I need not ex- 
plain to you the Consequences would arise from our Success there. But 
I realy see no other Point we are so likely to succeed in as in that, which 
is the main Point; for where ever we make our Point, we must fight the 
whole Force of Canada before we arive at it; as their Power over 
these[their] People can bring the whole to what ever Place they are 
wanted. There, if we have a proper Fleet, and that comes in time, we can 
arrive with our whole Force at once; if we can land and establish our 
selves, we have nothing then but the Siege to make; if we succeed in 
that I imagine the Bussiness is done, for there we shall I do suppose 
[meet] all there Regular Forces, which so far as I have yet learnt is 
Six Battalions from Europe, besides their Marine and their People of 
the Country, with their Indians which are very numerous. Their Town 
is mostly built of Wood, and probably must be burnt about their Ears. 
73 th The Troops we have for the Execution of this Plan your Royal 
Highnes knows, and what they are. In my opinion I must leave at least 
two Battalions here, to defend the Forts and prevent their coming in 
whilst we are going round to attack them, otherwise they could make a 
very distressfull Attack here and be back time enough to meet us there. 
/^ th I know in England they will say we may have all the Men in 
New England to go on that Expedition, to what their Hearts are set on. 
/5 th But then Mr Shirley has instilled into his Party whom he has 
bound to him by all the Ties Knaves can be tied by, that is, Promts 
Received, a Belief of Power in him to protect them and continue 
Promts to them, to oppose and dissappoint every Scheme that can be 
proposed for the Publick Service except Mr. Shirley is to execute it. 
The Crushing of him, if that is thought proper, will end them, but 
from his staying here so long, that must probably come too late to have 
its Effects this Year. 

76 th There is another Objection, I believe, to having great Aid 
from them, which arises from this, That so far as I can see, all the Ex- 
peditions they fit out have their first Foundation in an Intention to 
enrich particular People, then a Popular Point is taken up, and the 
People Run madly into it. 

77 th That motive now ceases, if they go with the Regular Troops, 
for these the Kings Ceneral must command, and these Profits cannot 
arise unless he is a Knave likewise. 

7<9 th These Men receive a Bounty when they enlist, but no Pay till 
the Campaign is over. They allow of no Suttlers or Traders of any 
Sort, but the Officers supply them with every thing they want, by which 
Means they receive most of their Pay when they come back; this you 



see does not promise much from them in the present Situation, and yet 
as Canada has been so much Preached up to them, numbers ol these 
Enthusiastical People might engage, and il they did, they will Ijc a 
very great Expence to transport them by Sea, and furnish them with 
Provisions considering the use they would be of, which, so far as I can 
see, is, when first brought out, will undertake any rash thing, but if 
they do not get forward they immediately languish to go home, and 
when ever they grow Sick their Hearts break and they Die. They say 
their time is come, and there is no help for it, and from that Prim iple 
never struggle to live. 

19 th If they could be brought to cross the Country in small Bodys, 
for great ones can not be maintained that way, and break up all these 
Settlements, they would strike a Terror into the Enemy, and in case we 
miscarried, would storme [show] them next Year, if the Fleet will pre- 
vent their having Supplies from Europe, and the People here can be 
brought not to supply them, which will be difficult, as the Councils 
can take off the Embargo and are the People that supply them, as hap- 
pen 'd in Philadelphia this year before Mr Denny arrived. 
20 th I have throw'n out those things for your Royal Highness's 
Consideration, and would beg leave further to add, that if you should 
approve of going to Quebeck, I should hope it would not be talked of, 
but when ever you are to send, it should be said it goes to New York, 
and that you will consider what Troops are necessary for it. And altho 
I can have 24 lb Cannon from the Colonys here, they are all Iron and 
so heavy that without Horses, which I suppose we shall not get there, 
or the Enemy will drive them off, so I should hope you would send 
what you think necessary of Brass. Ball for 24 lb are much wanted in 
this Country. 

21. In case the Project is approved of, I believe it would be neces- 
sary to acquaint Mr. Baker the Contractor, that he may provide ac- 

22. I can give you no certain Accounts of the Road to Tienderoga, 
as it has never been reconoitred properly, but by all the Accounts I 
have been able to get, it is not to be done with Troops whilst the En- 
emy are so supperior in Irregulars, for in reality we have none but our 
Rangers. Before winter is over, if they do not drive us from the Forts, 
I shall be able to give you an Account with more Certainty. 

23. The retaking Oswego by land labours under many Difficultys. 
Tis 217 miles from hence, and as the Enemy have now learn 'd so many 
Avenues from the Indians by which they can at several places attack 
our Convoys, it requires an Army to secure the Communication for 


carrying up our Cannon and Provisions. And when there, as they are 
Masters of the whole Vessells, and such a Number of Boats on the Lake 
and we were to oppose to them, if they chose it they can before we are 
cover 'd land what Forces they please, within what Distance of the Place 
they please, and give us Battle, tho I think they would rather choose 
to starve us, as we could not leave People enough to keep up the Com- 
munication at every Place where they could attack us. 
2j th Things appearing to me in this Light is the Reason I have 
proposed going to Quebeck, and I have been the more particular in 
them, that your Royal Highness might be the better able to judge 
whether they have not weighed more with me than they ought, and 
that the King's Service might not suffer from my misjudging. 
25 th I ought to have mentioned above that if a Siege is to be under- 
taken Powder will be wanting, for the Provincial Troops make an in- 
tolerable Consumption of it. 

26 th I hope your Royal Highness will pardon the Incoherence of 
this Letter, as I really believe tis the fortieth time I have been inter- 
rupted in the Writing of it, and as I am just setting out for Fort Ed- 
ward I cannot write it over again. 

27 th I must acquaint your Royal Highness that I have hitherto had 
no formal Council of War but have on all Occasions consulted with 
the General Officers, the Qr i\lr General, and such of the Field Officers 
as I could get any Benefit from talking to. But I found when I had 
several of the Field Officers together and came to talk to them of what 
was fit to do in one Case, and what in another, but I got no Aid, so I 
have gone on in the Method I have told your Royal Highness. 
28 th I have this Moment a Warrant of Mr Shirley's put into my 
Hands, drawn on the Paymaster for an Account of building Barracks 
on Schenectady last Year. The Warrant is dated June 20th 1756. Mr. 
Webb arrived here June 7, and in three Days after, Mr. Shirley received 
his Letters acquainting him he was superseded in the Command, and 
the Man who got this Warrant left me at Albany to go to New York to 
settle this Account for which the Warrant is granted. Mr. Shirley will 
find himself mistaken if he expects to draw any Money out of the 
Deputy-Paymaster's Hands till the King gives him a new Commission 
to Command. I am, Sir, Your Royal Highness's Most Dutyfull And 
Obedient Servant 


[Endorsed] Albany, October the 2 d 1756 Lord Loudoun to H:R:H: private. 
Rd Nov 2i l V:i5:8. 


Loudoun to Cumberland 

Albany 3 d October 1756 

The Situation of things here at present, is bad; the Provincials ex- 
tremely disheartened, Sickly and deserting; which last some of their 
Officers are in Confinement for; no less than forty went off at once; 
most of those we retook; but the numbers that go off in one's and 
two's, are very great: Your Royal Highness will see, I have reinforced 
Fort William Henry, with all the Provincials, except the New York 
Regiment, and the New Hampshire Men; if I find I can spare the last, 
f will send them up likewise. 

I have now at Fort Edward, Maj r Gen 1 Abercrombie's with the j2 d , 
J4 th , & 48 th Regiments; and 500: of the Royal Americans, under Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Bouquet, at Saratoga; the other 500: of them, March to 
October i st ; I had it not in my Power, to get Waggons for their Tents 
till then. 

Your Royal Highness will be surprised, I have chose to take the 
Royal Americans, rather than Lieutenant General Otways; this last are 
entirely Raw Officers and Soldiers, and every thing new to them; the 
prest Men, I dare not yet trust so near the Enemy; I had Six of them 
deserted together, to go to the French; two of them, after losing them- 
selves in the Woods, and being Starving with Hunger, Surrendered to 
some of the Parties above; those I tried and hanged directly; the other 
four, were taken at Wood-Creek, by our Ranging Companies; they are 
not yet come my length. 

As to the Americans, I have without distinction, of what Battalion 
Officers belong to, put into this, all the good Battalion Officers for the 
present, that were within my reach, and have left out the Engineers 
and Artillery Officers, who Lieutenant Colonel Bouquet, on trial, as- 
sures me do not answer in the Battalion; f have done this, without any 
affront to them, for I shall employ them otherwise, where they will be 
of use: In this Situation I expect more Service from them, than I could 
have had from the other; and they do bring them on surprisingly. 

Our Situation at Fort William Heniy, is, the Provincials in an In- 
trenched Camp, under the works of the Forts, which are by this time 
finished, and the Barracks and Store Houses near complcated. they 
have of Artillery, two 32: pounders, Eight 18: Pounders, two 12: 


Pounders, Four 6: Pounders, four 4: Pounders, Iron: —Brass, Four 6: 
Pounders, two 8: Inch Mortars, fourteen Swivels, One iy. Inch Mortar, 
two 10: Inch Mortars, two 8: Inch Hautsbitzers, and one 7. Inch Hauts- 
bitzer, three 7. Inch Mortars, with a great Quantity of Ammunition. 
This is what they had amassed, for the Attack they proposed on 
Tienderoge, a great part of which I proposed to have brought back, 
but could not get Horses to Transport it, and if I had them now, the 
Provincials would desert if I took it. 

At Fort Edward, there are two 18: Pounders, four 9: Pounders, five 6: 
Pounders, One 4: Pounder; and Six field Pieces with the Regiments, 
6: Pounders each; in an Intrenched Camp under the Forts. With the 
Americans, there are two Six pounders, and a y Pounder field Piece; 
as I have divided them into two Battalions, Colonel Bouquet and 
Major Young with the one, Lieutenant Colonel Haldiman and Major 
Robertson with the other; I expect Col: Haldiman every hour, the 
other three are here. 

The Camp at Fort Edward, is under the Cannon of the Fort; the 
Cannon Mounted, but the Fort far from being compleated. 

At Saratoga they are intrenched, with a small Stockaded Fort within 
it; this is to prevent the Enemy cutting in, behind us, and are within 
reach of Joining us in few hours, if wanted at Fort Edioard. 

It looks odd on the Map, to see the Provincials advanced before the 
Troops; but I look on Fort Edward, as the likeliest Post to be Attacked; 
and if that is taken, Fort William Henry, with all the People there, 
falls of Course; therefore 1 have chose to be there with the Troops. 

From Fort William Henry, I am just informed, the Enemy seems 
to be pressing up upon them, and they have seen Boats, two and three 
at a time, Sckulking along the Shore, which are probably Supplying 
them with Provisions; I have given them all the directions I can, and 
have again sent up Captain Lor in g, 1 to Command that Fleet they have 
built, but make no use of. 

This is our Situation, and I would gladly hope, when they see our 
Posts in this Condition, they will not Attack them; but if they should 
advance the Six Battalions of Regulars they have at Tienderoge, to 
keep us in Auwe, and take the Measure of sending their Indians and 
Canadians, down the other Side the River, they may destroy the whole 
back Settlements, and God knows where they may Stop; And it is not 
in my Power to prevent it. 

Your Royal Highness sees, the Aid M r Shirley has been pleased to 

1 Joshua Loring, a native of Boston, whom the Admiralty had named in March 
as Master and Commander of the hrigantine Loudoun on Lake Ontario. 


Contribute; the Massachusetts Men, I cannot have at Fort William 
Henry, in less than a Month; the Connecticuts, will be between a fort- 
night and three weeks; however, in case of their taking this Measure, 
I shall write for them, that they may be in some sort of readiness to 
Act: If this should happen, nothing further appears to me, to be in my 
Power to do at present; when any thing does occurr, I will do it. 

Desertion and drunkenness, are the diseases of this Country; 1 will 
stop at nothing to cure them both, if I should Stave every drop of 
Liquor in it: I have lost above thirty of the Americans since they came 

The backwardness of the People in this Country, to give any Assist- 
ance to the Service, is incredible; And if you cannot destroy, that In- 
fluence M r Shirley has in it at present, no Servant the King can send, 
can be of half the use he otherwise would be; I hope you will do this 
effectually when he arrives, in the meantime, my best endeavors shall 
not be wanting here; and when time permits, You shall have all the 
Information I can give You. 

On the Mohawk river, I have left some small Posts; and am Fortify- 
ing Herkermefs House, in place of building a Fort; You have Major 
Eyre's Sketch of it enclosed. 

As to Engineers, I doubt I shall suffer greatly, by the loss of M* 
Mackeller; for, I do not find, the Foreigners will turn out to be the 
People in that branch we expected; I send you enclosed, the List Colo- 
nel Bouquet gave me, of himself, without my asking for it, on suspect- 
ing that to be the case; this he did, when he came to apply, to have 
other Officers Appointed for the present, to the Battalion going on 

I am afraid, from Lieutenant Colonel Bouquet's report, Colonel 
Prevost has not kept up to his bargain, in recruiting, from the hun- 
dred and Seventy arrived; I have not had time to look fully into it, but 
shall as soon as he arrives, and Acquaint Your Royal Highness with 
it: I shall go very gently with it, but I must not let him go too far. 

M r Shirley has taken on himself, to Stop the Man of War with my 
Letters to the Government of the 29 th August; the Captains receipt to 
me for them, is enclosed to M r Fox; he has sent many Letters, whilst at 
this distance, I have no opportunity of knowing, of the Ships going: 
If it is no Crime stopping the Publick Letters, I shall say his time was 
very 111 employed here, as it was only in raising parties, and stopping 
all Aid to the Service; and by the Councils Letter to me. which is 
every word dictated by him, you will see. he is still endeavoring to keep 
up the difference, between the regular and Provincial Troops. 


Your Royal Highness will see in my Publick Letter, the Plan I throw 
out for Consideration, of attacking Quebec; I have in that, mentioned 
neither the number of Ships nor Men, necessary for that, as I know 
Your Royal Highness to be, a much better Judge of it than I am, and 
shall be ready, to execute whatever orders I receive from You: I must 
only beg, that if you go into it, there be a good Man at the head of the 
Fleet, that will not create Confusion; and that the Fleet come very 
much earlier than any have done of late, for the French have always 
been here before us. 

Lieutenant Kennedy s two Prisoners, are arrived, whilst I am writ- 
ing, and I have enclosed their declaration to the Secretary of State; 
It was a hardi thing taking them; they had a French Camp within a 
mile of them; the Waggons continually passing the door; and they took 
them in open day: Mo r Levy was not gone from the House, an hour 
before, the Indians killed a Servant that made resistance, and had Seized 
the Landlady of the House, in order to Scalp her, when Lieutenant 
Kennedy came in and saved her, and an Old Swiss, whom they brought 
along with them; and after a March, thro the deserts, arrived here in 
28:days. They say, the Lady was handsome when she set out, but she is 
much altered, thro' Hunger, Wett and all sorts of Weather, added to 
Fear, which was not without good Grounds; for as they had been pur- 
sued for five days, by about three hundred Indians, as they imagine, 
they had been obliged to throw away all their Provisions, and were 
reduced to such Streights, from hunger, that they several times pro- 
posed to eat the Lady; but Lieut 1 Kennedy got her Saved. 

She computes the French at Tienderoge, to be about Six thousand 
five hundred, but the Canadians are very Sickly, and great numbers of 
them die; the Troops tollerably healthy: she is the first that has men- 
tioned their being scarce of Provisions. I never saw People so thor- 
oughly wore out, as those People are; the Indians are but just alive; 
Lieutenant Kennedy is better than they are, but extremely weak; the 
Woman has stood it the best, but they had a long March before they 
met her; they reckon, the way they came, that She walkt about Six 
hundred Miles. 

Your Royal Highness will see, that the distress at Oswego last Year, 
was wholy owing, to M r Shirley's going on a Trading Voyage, in place 
of a Military Expedition; and that you will see from Colonel Mercer's 
Letters, most of them sent down open, to endeavor to get any Supplies, 
from the People on the different Posts, before the Letters could arrive 
at the Persons they were directed to. You will see, that the distress, the 
desertion, diseases and deaths of the Garrison, was on the one hand, 


owing to their want of Provisions; and on the other hand, from their 
want of Barracks and Bedding, most of them having lain in bark 
Hutts, without the Garrison, all Winter; all which will appear plainly, 
from the Scraps of Information I have got, in following other business, 
there was a third cause, which I have not yet fully got into, which was 
their want of Pay from the 24 th October; in these, I doubt there arc- 
more People concerned than him, which hitherto has prevented my 
seeing into it; there must have been a great neglect in not sending 
Money to Oswego, in the beginning of Winter, but this goes further, 
for they had opportunities of sending it long before it went; first, 
Colonel Schuyler went up with 250: Men, then Captain Bradstreet 
went up with a great number of Bat terms and Batteau Men, and the 
Recruits; and it was his Second Journey, before M r Shirley's Regiment's 
Money went; and that for Sir William Pepperel's Regiment, waited 
'till his third Journey: I do not see, what can be said to Justify this, 
and still less what I am told, that their Recruits, who were many 
Months at Schenectady, in the Spring, had no Money; but were Sup- 
plied with Shirts and Shoes & ca, 'till that they were so disgracefull, that 
Colonel Chapman would not let them do duty in the Condition they 
were, and the Officers borrowed of Captain Kennedy, of the -/-/"■ Regi- 
ment Twenty five Pounds. 

Those things, seem to me Military Crimes, that ought to be en- 
quired into, in order to lay before His Majesty, and as soon as the 
Campaign is over, I propose to Appoint a General Court Martial, to 
enquire into the Causes of the loss of Oswego, the result of which I 
shall transmit home. 

Part of Lieutenant Colonel Mercer's Original Letters, I have sent 
with M r Pownall, and some of M r Lewis's Accounts; one Packet fell 
into my hands by the directions of it, the other found in Oswego, by 
the Men, I mention to have brought us the Account, of the Situation 
the Enemy left things in, and is the Account of M r Shirley's Son in 
Law, his Secretary M r Alexander, and M r Livingston, whom he em- 
ploys on all occasions, where he means to have his own nearer friends 
not appear; You will see in the large Packet, the Commissaiy in the 
King's Pay, as appears in his Wife's Letters to him, charging five per 
Cent on the Publick Money, the large Articles of Commission, I have 
not yet had time to follow out, as they arise in Virginia and New-York. 
I am, Sir, Your Royal Highness's Most Dutifull and Obedent Servant 


[Endorsed] Albany, October 3 d 1736. Lord Loudoun to H:R:H: inclosing 
18: Papers. 


Memorial of William Johnston 


and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in North America. 
&ca. &ca. &ca. 

The Memorial of William Johnston Deputy Pay 
Master General to the said Forces. 


The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury by a Minute of 
their Board, dated the 12 th August last having taken into Consideration 
General Abercrombie's Warrant Authorizing your Memorialist to 
Issue the dollar at 4 s 8 d Sterling, and all other Coins and Species of 
money in Proportion, are of Opinion, there is no Reason or Founda- 
tion for varying from their Resolutions of the 19 th February 1755. and 
of the 11 th March last Ascertaining the Rates at which the Several 
Species of Gold and Silver were to be received and Issued by the Dep- 
uty Pay Masters in North America, and have therefore given directions, 
that the said Deputy Paymasters do follow the Rules, as to the Re- 
ceiving and Issuing the Same, in the manner thereby Prescribed; And 
Mr. Sawyer by Direction of Lord Dupplin, having transmitted a Copy 
of the said Treasury Minute to your Memorialist and Signified to him, 
that it is the Paymaster Generals Orders, that he do Act agreeably 
therewith, and give Copies thereof to Your Lordship, and General 
Abercrombie, or the Commander in Chief for the time being: In obe- 
dience to these Orders; I beg leave to lay before your Lordship a Copy 
of the said Treasury Minute; and as this Regulation will differ from 
that made in Virtue of your Lordships Warrant, I humbly Pray your 
Lordship will be Pleased to give me Directions how I am to Conduct 
myself in receiving and Issuing the Several Species of Gold and Silver 
for the Future. All which is humbly submitted to your Lordship 

W M Johnston 
Albany 25 th October 1756. 

Copy of a Minute annexed. 


The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury having taken 
into Consideration Your Memorial together with Major General Aber- 


crombie's Warrant, with an Account of the different Species of Money 
Remaining in the hands of your Deputy Paymasters in America; on 
the 19 th June last, arc Pleased to order me to Signify to your Lordships, 
that they see no Reason for varying from their Resolutions of the 19 th 
February 1755. and of the 1 1"' Match last, and do therefore desire you 
would take care that your Deputy Paymasters in North America do 
follow the Rules, as to the receiving and Issuing, the Several Coins of 
Gold and Silver at the Rates, and in the manner thereby Prescribed. 
I am, My Lords, Your Lordships Most Faithfull Hum. Servant. 

J: West 
Treasury Chambers, 12th August 1756. 
[To the] Pay Master Forces. 

[Enclosure No. 4 in Loudoun to Cumberland, Nov. 22-Dec. 26, 1756.] 

Observations on the Value and Rates of the Gold 

and Silver to Be Provided for the Use of 

His Majesty's Forces Serving in North 

America, under the Command of the 

Right Hon ble the Earl of Loudoun 


The Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, by their several 
resolutions of the 19 th February 1755 and the 11 th March 1756. directs 
the Gold and Silver to be issued to the Troops in North America in 
the Following manner, Viz 1 . 

In the Province of Pensilvania they are to receive the Gold at the 
Rate of £4.-7% per Ounce, and Silver at the rate of 5 B 4% per Ounce, 
mill'd dollars at 5 s 4i/o per Ounce is very near equal in proportion to 
4 S 8 (! p r dollar, For example. 1 1 5 1 Mill'd dollars will weigh upon an 
Average 1000 Ounces, which at 5 s 4i/9 per Ounce will amount to the 

sum 268.15. 

The same Number of dollars at 4 s 8 (i each will amount to 268. 1 1 .4 

The difference is only 3.8. 

The disproportion between Spanish Gold at £4---7 1 4 per Ounce, and 
Spanish Dollars at 5*4% per Ounce or 4 s 8 d each is very considerable 
for instance— A. has a demand on the Deputy Paymaster for £100 
Sterling, which he receives in Spanish Dollars, either by weight at 
5 9 4 1 4 d per Ounce or by Sale at 4 s 8 d each, if by Sale he receives 428 
Dollars and 4 / 7 of a Dollar for his £100 Sterling. As the Dollar is Cur- 


rent at 7 E 6 d each in Pensilvania, these Dollars will Amount in that 

Currency to the sum of 160.14.3%. 

B. has a Demand for the Like sum in Sterling, and re- 
ceives it from the Deputy Paymaster in Spanish Gold 
by weight. 24 ozs i6 dts 6 srs at £4.-7% per Ounce is equal 
to £100. This will Produce 116 Pistoles and :i % t parts 
of a Pistole of 4 dts 6 srs each which is the Standard 
weight, but they often weigh more, and as it's value is 

27 s Currency, the amount of the whole will be only 157.1 1.— 3 %i 

In this case A. having received his £100 in silver, 

and B. the like sum in Gold, the latter looses I 3 . .3. .3 

the difference of Value being I 

If the Pistoles are 4 dts 8 grs they pass for no more than 27 s , and if we 
take them at a Medium at 4 dts 7 srs each, the difference or dispropor- 
tion in Value between them and Spanish Dollars is still more for ex- 
ample 428 dollars $c 4 / 7 parts of a Dollar at 4 s 8 d each, is equal to £100 
Sterling. This converted into Curr y at 7 s 6 d per Dollar will produce 
£160.14.3% as above 24 02 i6 dts 6 srs of Gold £4.-7% per Ounce will 
amount to £100; this reduced in to Pistoles of 4 dts 7e" eac h w ni produce 
115 Pistoles and B % 3 P arts of a Pistole which at 27 s each amount to 
only £i56.-.5 6 % 03 . Consequently the person who receives £100 Ster- 
ling in Gold at the Rate of £4.-7 % p 1 Ounce will loose or receive less 
by £4.13.10 than another who might happen to be paid the like sum 
Sterling in silver. 

The disproportion of Value between Gold and Silver if received 
by weight in the Province of New York is still more unequal than in 
Pensilvania; but as it is now fix'd to be received and Issued by Sale, 
we will confine our Observations to the last Regulation made by the 
Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury, ascertaining the rates 
at which the several Coins of Gold and Silver are to be received and 
Issued by the Deputy Paymaster in North America Viz 1 the half Johan- 
nis of £1.16.— to be received & paid at £1.17.4, the Moydore of £1.7.— at 
£1.8— The Pistole of i6 s 6 d at lj'iy/ and the Spanish Dollar at 4 s 8 d . 

Agreeable to this Regulation we will suppose that A. demands of 
the Deputy Paymaster £1.17.4 Sterling for which he receives an half 
Johannis B. has the Like Demand and receives it in Spanish Dollars; 
Eight Dollars at 4 s 8 d each is £1.17.4, consequently B receives Eight 
Dollars. A is under a Necessity to Change his Gold into small Silver 
or Dollars before he can make a distribution of it to the Troops, and 
as an half Johannis in this Province is Valued and pass'd at £3.3.— 
and a Dollar at 8 s , A receives for his half Johannis so Changed one 


Shilling Currency or y s Part of a Dollar less then B. received for the 
same sum in Sterling, the Value of the half Johannis being so much 
less in proportion then that of the Dollar. 

In like manner let it be suppos'd that A. demands ol the Deputy 
Paymaster £1.8.— Sterling for which he receives a Moydore. P> having 
a demand for the same sum receives it in Dollars; Six Dollars at 4"8 d 
will produce £1.8.— A. being oblig'd to Exchange his Moydore into 
Small Silver or Dollars for conveniency of payment, receives for His 
Moydore so Exchang'd only £2.6.— Currency which is Equal to Five 
Dollars and three Quarters consequently he looses or receives less then 
B. two shillings Currency or one fourth part of a Dollar; the Difference 
of Value between Moydores at £1.8.— and Dollars at 4 8 8 d each being so 
much in Proportion, in the Province of New York. 

If Spanish Gold or pistoles are to be issued at i7 8 i% d Sterling each 
the disproportion of Value between that and Dollars, is more Con- 
siderable then the Portugal Gold, for Example. 

The Deputy Paymaster pays A a Spanish Pistole, of 4 dts 6 grs and 
Charges him i7 s i}o d sterling for which he can purchase only £1.8.— 
Currency B. receives three Dollars and half and is Charg'd only i6"4 d 
Sterling with which he can Purchase as much as A. Three Dollars and 
half being equal to £i-8.— Currency. Consequently A will loose 9% 
Sterling upon every Spanish Pistole he receives: Vide a Table or State 
of the monies annexd. 

The Deputy Paymaster has now in his Charge £16,000 Sterling in 
Spanish Dollars for which he has Pass'd his receipt to Mr. Mortier at 
the Rate of 4 s 8 d Sterling each: By changing these Dollars into Spanish 
Pistoles, and issuing them to the Troops at the rate of 17 s 1% Sterling 
each, he has an Opportunity to defraud the Troops of q 1 /^ Sterling 
upon every Spanish Pistole so Changed, which in the above sum will 
amount to £775.10.— Sterling. This is a Latitude, from which the 
Deputy Paymaster and the Contractors Agents ought to be restrain'd, 
and shews the Absolute necessity of having all kinds of Specie, whether 
Gold or Silver, received or Issued to the Troops in an exact and equal 
proportion of Value, one with another. 

If the Regiments in great Britain were paid at the rate of £1.2.9 f° r 
an English Guinea and all other Gold Coins in Proportion, and the 
value of the Silver Coins to remain, as it now stand; the Regiment that 
received their Subsistance in Gold, would receive less by i s 9 d in each 
Guinea than another Regiment that happend to be paid in silver. 
The same Argument will hold good in America, if the Troops are to 
be paid in the manner prescribed, from this state of the Case, it is 



obvious that a new regulation for receiving and issuing the Gold and 
Silver to the Troops, became necessary, either by raising the Value of 
the Dollar or lowering that of the Gold, in order to make it bear an 
exact and equal Proportion in Value; and as the Dollar was fix'd and 
ascertain'd to be received and issued at 4 s 8 d sterling, and the least 
liable to vary in it's value, It was propos'd to be made the Standard by 
which all other Coins or Species of Gold & silver were to be issued and 
paid, provided the said Dollar was not Clipped or otherwise dimin- 
ished in the Value it now bears. 

In the Province of New Y'ork the par of Exch a upon Dollars at 4 s 8 d 
each is 171%, and the Current price of Exchange being 185, the 
profit arising by the Contract is £14.% upon every £100 Sterling but 
whether the Exchange be higher or lower the Profit or advantage in 
providing Dollars at 4 s 8 d or any other monies in that Proportion, can 
be ascertain'd with great Exactness; in Pensilvania the Par of Ex- 
change upon Dollars at 4 s 8 d is 160% and the Current rate of Exchange 
at present is 175, so that the Profit arising by the Contract in this 
Province is £14% upon £100 Sterling. 

If the Gold and silver to be provided for the use of His Majestys 
Forces in Virtue of the Contract are to be Issued in different Propor- 
tions of Value, in all Probability great inconveniences may arise, and 
it will be impossible to ascertain, with any Tolerable degree of Exact- 
ness, the profit arising by the Contract that now Subsists. 

A Table shewing the difference of Value in Sterling between Spanish & 
Portugal coind Gold & Spanish Mill'd Dollars 


Value in 
New York 




of value in 

Half Johannes 

£• s. d 

3- 3- 
3- 3- 
2. 6. 
2. 6. 
1. 9. 
1. 9. 
1. 8. 
1. 8. 

£• s- d 

1. 17. 4 
1. 16. 9 

£• s. d 

• • 7 

1. 8. 
1. 6. 10 

5 Dollars & % - 

8s is . . 

6srs . . 

Spanish Pistole of 4 dts 
3 Dollars & % 

17- *% 
16. 11 

. . 2V2 

Spanish Pistole of 4 dts 

• 7- Oh 

16. 4 

■ ■ 9% 

Albany 25 th October 1756. 

[Enclosure No. 5 in Loudoun to Cumberland, Nov. 22-Dec. 26, 1756.] 


Observations from Quebec down S t Lawrence's River 

October 1756, by James Pitcher 1 


On Sunday the 3 d of October left Quebec with the Wind at South 
west, but soon chang'd to the north west, We at firsl steer'd over for 
the Northern Shore to an inlet or Bay, seemingly so to be from the 
Harbour but found it to be a Beautifull Kail of Water, which had by 
time wore the soil away, When we had sail'd to bring this quite open, 
steer'd away between the Island of Orleans, and the Southern Main, 
keeping near midway between, but rather nearest to the Island, at the 
East end of which, (being Seven or Eight Leagues long) We came to 
an Anchor in about Seven fathom water, the Island is covered with 
Wood, but seemingly a poor barren soil, like the rest of the Country. 

In the morning of the 4 th about nine aClock when the Ebb had 
almost done, we made sail, and about noon came to what is call'd the 
Traverse; Our first Course steer'd was about East, till we brought the 
highest hill in the Country to the Westward, in one with the Wester- 
most Point of Madame Island, which is the nearest to the Island of 

Then we keep'd away more Southerly for the highest of a parcel 
of Rocks, which appears a little above Water, and lies much about 
the middle of the River, till we came about the middle of the second 
Island, when we had the low end of the highest Land to the Westward 
of the Humocks, and the west End of Madame Island in one, Then 
steer'd away for a barren hill on the North Shore, about NE, till we 
brought the North east end of Orleans, 8: the Main high land in One, 
then steerd down the North Shore, keeping about one Mile distance 
till about four aClock in the afternoon, when we came to an Anchor 
in about twelve fathom Water, about 10 Leagues from Orleans. 

On Tuesday the 5 th , being the third day about seven in the morn- 
ing, when it was near low Water, we made Sail and steer'd about E B S, 
till we came near the Island of Aucudia, then steer'd in for the highest 
hill on the North Shore, and stood in so close that when we steer'd 
away for the NE Point of the Island, it brought Us midway between 

1 James Pitcher, muster master general, had heen in charge of the musters on the 
Cartagena expedition of 1710. He was taken prisoner at Oswego, exchanged, and 
returned to North America for the duration of the war. His comments describe 
the usual channel followed in navigating the St. Lawrence, south of the Isle 
d'Orleans, through the Traverse, north of Isle aux Coudres, south of Isle du Bic. 
The map of the river in Thomas Manic. History of the Late War in North America 
(1772), shows the course. 


the Westermost point of the Island, and the Eastermost point that 
Forms the Bay; which is the Channel through a very rapid Whirlpool, 
but no danger, if the proper cautions are taken; after we were through 
came to an Anchor near midway between the Island and the main, 
the West end of the Island bearing SW B S and off of which is Rockey 
and foul Ground here we discharg'd the Kings Pilot. 

"To Pass this Whirlpool, remember to take the midway and the 
"advantage of a Fresh Breeze of Wind, and near high Water, but 
"never to attempt it either going up, or coming down, on the 

"The Cap 1 of the Ship inform'd Us that three Years ago the 
"French lost at this place Four men of War, having little wind at- 
tempted to pass; but the Eddy over powering the Command the 
"wind had of the Sails, lost their Steerage and drove them on the 
"North Shore, but this I could not give Credit to, as they must 
"pass, one after another, when the first was foil'd, I should im- 
"agine the rest would have desisted till another oppertunity. 
Our Course from here was East about seven Leagues, when we came 
to Several Islands lying near the South Shore, against which on the 
main are several houses & a Church, We had another long Island on 
Our left distance from the others about three leagues, at the East end 
of which, in the Evening We came to an Anchor in about six fathom 
Water. Clay Ground this Island is high,— In the morning of the 6 th 
we made Sail and steer'd NE & NE B E, to several small Rockey Islands, 
from where Ave weigh'd Anchor, ab l 6 Leagues, from thence E N E & 
E B N, keep 5 pretty near the S th Shore about Eight Leagues, when we 
came to a Point, on which are some lofty Barren, Rockey Hills, & Off 
of this Point are two Islands, the nearest about 1% League from the 
Shore and is called Beak Island, from the East end of which is a ledge 
of Rocks, and some of them above high water for near two Miles, we 
sail'd between this Island and the Main having deep water, and Con- 
tinued our Course about ENE Thirty Leagues, here the River is about 
Seven Leagues over, and high Land on the Southern Shore, Continued 
the same Course, and the River extending itself wider that in sail- 
ing about Thirty five leagues we lost sight of the Northern Shore, and 
came to the point that Forms the Entrance of S l Laurence's River, and 
of Gaspia, this Point is low but high Land back in the Country, from 
this Point we steer'd S E & SE B S about Forty five Leagues, when We 
saw the Magdeline Islands bearing from Us West, distance about Four 
Leagues, these Islands the French reckon Fourty two Leagues from the 


Point of Gaspia,— The 11 th of October being the ninth day since We 
left Quebec, We continued Our Course S E l , about Fifteen Leagues, 
when We saw the Island of S l Paul, bearing from Us about S S W dis- 
tance about Four Leagues; This Island is smal and lies in Lattitude 
47°04', and is reckoned by the French Eighteen Leagues from the 
Magdelines, from this Island we took Our Departure and steer'd away 
SEBE 1 , which carried Us out of the Gulf, 

The Tides flow at 
Quebec about 16 feet. 

[Endorsed] J. Pitcher October 1756. Some Observations made on Sailing down 
the River S l Laurence from quebec. R Dec. 2 2' J - 

Cumberland to Loudoun 


Kensington, October 22 d 1756 
My Lord Loudoun, Great as our Impatience has been to hear of 
your safe Arrival in North America, your Excuse for not writing 'till 
you had began to inform yourself, partly, of the Situation of Affairs, 
imbroiled & concealed, by the ill Conduct & bad Behaviour of your 
Predecessors, is so reasonable; and the Difficulties of Information are 
so great, that, I am rather surprised at the Quantity of your Informa- 
tions. I long feared that our Affairs in that Part of the World, were bad 
in themselves, & worse by the Management of them. But, I little im- 
agined that Ignorance, Avarice, & Confusion were so prevalent as your 
Letters, not only mention, but prove them to be. I can not enough 
commend your Coolness of Temper & Moderation, in what you have 
already had to do with the Provincials. For, execrable Troops as they 
are, I fear, our present Distresses, will make them, for some time at 
least, necessary to you. 

By all I can judge at this Distance, you seem to have taken the only 
Steps left you to take, to prevent the utter Devastation of the King's 
Provinces in North America. But, I can not help flatering myself, that, 
when once you have recruited your regular Force in that Part of the 
world, you will be an over-match for our Enemys. 

I am sorry to observe the little assistance you are like to have from 
the Indians. But, if you encourage the Inclination you have found in 
the Soldiers to go out with them & the Rangers, you will soon be able 
to do without Indians; & will have Reports & Informations that you 
can depend upon, & by which you may regulate your Measures. 


By all your Reports of the State of Fortifications in that Part of the 
world, I easily conceive how much is necessary to be done. I shall apply 
to the proper Offices to see what can be done with regard to the wood 
which is all granted away, & which they sell you at double Price. 

In the Case of Commissions, granted by Major Gen 1 Shirley, I en- 
tirely approve of your Resolution. But, I think it is hard that the 
Officer who bought the Company, should not have his Comission 
confirmed, tho' it is certainly not a valid one. I shall also apply, that 
the third article of your Instructions, may enable you to put the non- 
effective Funds of the Regiments upon the same Footing as they stand 
at home. 

I highly approve of your Conduct, with regard to that Jerry, the 
Indian, who was murdered by some of the 44: Regiment; tho' I can 
not say that the Answers from the com'anding officers were, either as 
decent, or as proper, as they ought to have been. 

The Account you give of the growing Expences of the Indians, is 
but a trifling Part of M r Shirley's bad Conduct. The whole account you 
have sent upon his head, makes a just Impression here; & I can assure 
you that he will meet with a very different Reception in England, from 
what he expects. 

I am extremely concerned at the latter part of your Letter, which 
mentions the Intelligence of the Loss of Oswego, which I fear is too 
true, from the distressed Condition M r Shirley had left it in. I must 
entirely submit my Judgement with regard to what the Enemy may 
do, in case they have taken Oswego, to yours, which is better informed; 
& I am glad that you still hope, that if you meet with Success this year, 
with the nczv England Colonies, to make a Push for the retaking of 

What Arms can be sent you, shall, as soon as we can spare them: but, 
Arms grow scarce, even here. 

If the News are confirmed relating to the taking of Oswego, I shall 
humbly propose to His Majesty the Breaking of the 50: & 5/: Regi- 
ments, & incorporating the officers into the other Corps, at present in 
North-America. In the mean while, you have certainly judged it right 
to turn over the Men not taken Prisoners with those Regiments, into 
the other Corps. 

I am glad to see that, by your stile of writing the Royal American 
Regiment will soon be complete: and, I hope, before now, OfjarreU's 
Regiment complete joo: Rank & File; with 1200: Soldiers, draughted 
from Ireland, will be Sailed from Cork, for the Northermost Ports the 
Season of the Year will allow them to reach. Their original Destination 


was for Nova Scotia, lint, your Accounts arriving before they wen- 
sailed, they are now put under your orders, E01 you to employ them, 
either in your own Defense; or, ii you can spare them, to send them, 
early in the Spring, to Nova Scotia. 

Your Intention of fixing your Residence ai Albany, sec ins certainly 
right, as it is the most centrical Part; & from whence you can be more 
a portie to send Succours, or give necessary orders. 

Private. S l James's, December i.'' 1 1756 

My Lord Loudoun, I Shall be Kinder to you than you have been 
to me; for, I shall make use of my Secretary to save you the I rouble o\ 

reading my bad Hand. But, joke apart. I think you very much in i Ik 
right to have trusted no one with what is in this Letter; & I shall an- 
swer it as the Articles in it stand. 

I am glad that Sir John S> Clair does his Duty in such a manner, that 
you approve of him in the Capacity in which he acts, 8c that he has so 
seldom disagreed in opinion with you. It is ever) Man's Duty that 
commands in Chief to ask the opinions 8c advice of those who can give 
him new Lights from their Experience & Knowledge of the Country 
and Service. But, where the[y] difer, & do not convince, the Person 
commanding ought certainly to follow his own opinion, as it still ap- 
pears to him the best, after having heared other opinions: and I would 
as little be talked out of my own opinion, as I would be deaf to Con- 
viction. So that, you see your manner of acting has exactly coincided 
with what I think a Man in your Situation ought to do. It is very 
plain that the Duty of a Quarter Master General in North America is 
rather too much for any one Man to execute: And, as there are so 
many diferent Services, I am rather surprised that you have not em- 
ployed such Persons as you find most proper to assist him in the difer- 
ent Branches of the Service you are engaged in, as you are so much 
divided, 8: in all Probability will be obliged to act b) (liferent Corps, 
each of which require a Man to do that Duty. I can assure you, in 
return, that His Letters are as full of Satisfaction & Regard to you, as 
I could wish: and tho' he has mentioned his having been of a diferent 
opinion with you, concerning what was necessary to be done at the 
Great Carrying-Place; yet, he mentioned it with that Deference which 
an Officer owes to the opinion of his commanding Officer. 1 

The Character you give Abercrombie is that which I always had of 
him. Webb, by having been so much detached, has not, yet, had time 

1 St. Clair's letters are not among the Cumberland Papers. 


to be known to you; &, had you known him as well as I do, you would 
not have feared that he would have returned soured from his Com- 
mand. He is a sensible discreet Man, as well as a good Officer; & I 
can venture to assure you, you will find him as usefull a Help as any 
I could have sent with you. 

As to O (way's Regiment, I am not surprised at the scandalous Ac- 
count you give me of them. They have never seen any manner of 
Service; &, I am afraid, your Letter convinces me of what I feared be- 
fore, that it was composed of a Set of ignorant, undisciplined Officers; 
& 'till you make Examples of the officers, you will never make a Regi- 
ment of it. 

The two Lieu' Colonels you mention are, I believe both of them 
good Officers '-; & by your Care, I don't doubt but those two Regiments 
will, by next year, be as good as any in the King's army. 

As to the Highland Regiment, they have an excellent officer at their 
head: and, if they have but a Couple of Hundred of old Flanderkins in 
the Battalion, I shall look upon it as a pretty good one. 

Bouquet had a very good Character in the Service out of which he 
came. I am glad you find him a diligent officer. 

1 am sorry you seem to fear your being disappointed in the Swiss 
Engineers. But, consider the Ranks they come into our Service in, and 
whether a Vauban, or a Coehorne would have come a Captain or a 
Subaltern into an American Service? 

Your Opinion for the Operations of the next Campaign, which you 
have mentioned in your Letters of this Date, have very much coincided 
with the Opinion on this side of the water, and already, for some time 
past, a Naval Expedition has been intended for Louisbourg. The Suc- 
cess of that Operation, a Plan of which I will transmit to you herewith, 
would very properly lead on to the main Point of the River S l Law- 
rence. I am sensible by the Events of these two last Summers, that your 
Observation is very just; that, in whatever Part we attack Canada, the 
Constitution of their Government gives them the Advantage, that they 
can transport thither, not only their whole regular Force, but all their 
Provincials, who are, God knows, many Degrees above ours: and, their 
Force is certainly what you reckon it; six European Battalions that 
went from old France, at about 560: Strong; out of which Strength they 
lost what Boscawen took, 8c what fell with Dieskau in his Expedition; 
some marine Companies, the Canadian Militia, & some Indians. 

The crude Thoughts that occur to me, at this Distance, on consider- 
ing that Plan, must be very imperfect. But, yet, I propose the sending 

2 Thomas Gage and Ralph Burton. 

PLANS FOR 1757 255 

you over a Plan for your Opinion thereupon; which, if you should 
approve of, you will immediately prepare matters lor, & send us back 
your aprobation, that we may go on, here, without losing time. 

I see the Necessity of leaving a Couple of Battalions <>l Regulars to 
defend the Forts; and, if a Number of Provincials were joined to them, 
& so posted as not to fear an attack where they arc posted, 1 hey must 
either keep a great Number of the Enemy at Tienderoga, who would, 
else, be employed in the Defense of Quebec; or. if the Enemy should 
withdraw their whole Force from that Part, that Body might march on 
& take Possession of Montreal, a Place I have very good (.rounds to 
believe not tenable against a Six Pounder. It also appears to me that 
some Force ought to be left for the Defense of Pensilvania & Virginia, 
as Oswego is now gone; and a Battalion is as little as you can leave for 
that Service. We begin, here, to know the New-England Men; and we 
have had so many Disappointments from them, that the Ciy here, at 
least among knowing, sensible People, is no longer in their Favour: 
and the aelelitional Disappointments that you seem to fear, from the 
various Lies & Stories which that Fellow Shirley has instill'd into the 
Minds of the People of that Country, will certainly have some Effect, 
'till it be known amongst you, how he has been received, R: how he 
will be treated here. But, still, if a Number of them could be got for 
the Purpose above-mentioned at the Forts, & small Bodies of them 
could be brought to cross the Country, & break up, as much as they 
could, the then unguarded Settlements of the French, they would cer- 
tainly strike an additional Terror, &: would, as you observe, starve them 
the next year, if we had the Misfortune to miscarry. 

You are extremely in the right, in recomending the not mentioning 
the Design to be upon Quebec. Much Assistance you can not flater 
yourself with from this Country, when you are informed that, through 
the lowest Clamour, it is become adviseable for His Majesty to send 
away the foreign Troops that were sent for over last Spring, for to 
assist to defend the Mother Country. Artillery can be easily convey'd 
to you on board the Squadron intended for that Service; & therefore. 
you undoubtedly will need no Artillery with you. I shall certainly re- 
member your Hint, concerning the 24 th Ball. If it is necessary. M r 
Baker the Contractor shall be accjuainted with the Expedition. But, 
as yet, I see no Necessity for it. 

I am sorry that you have not yet been able to find any certain March 
to Tienderoga. But, I hope that you will, in time, teach your Troops 
to go out upon Scouting Parties: for, 'till Regular Officers with men 
that they can trust, learn to beat the woods, & to act as Irregulars, you 


never will gain any certain Intelligence of the Enemy, as I fear, by this 
time you are convinced that Indian Intelligence & that of Rangers is 
not at all to be depended upon. The many Dificulties of the re- 
occupying Oswego were plain enough by the almost Impossibility we 
have been in of maintaining of it; and the Lights which you have given 
me in this your Private Letter have greatly strengthened my Opinion 
that Quebec is the proper Thing to undertake. 

You are much the best Judge of when it is proper to hold Councils 
of war, or not: for, I have seldom seen any good come from them: and 
especialy, as you have consulted those whom you thought best able 
to give you Lights, it has been the less necessary. In general Councils of 
war have not been held for to annoy the Enemy, but to excuse the 
General, when, either Misconduct or unavoidable Misfortunes have 
prevented the Execution of the Service that has been expected from 

The late Treasury had already taken Notice of M r Shirley's having 
drawn upon the Pay-Master, after his Command was finished, & the 
new Board shall not fail to be warned upon that Subject. 

S l James's, December 23 d 1756. 

I must conclude this long Letter, with acquainting you that M r 
Shirley is, either already, or immediately to be brought before His 
Majesty's Council, whose Report will give a better Guidance for what 
further Prosecutions, either Civil or Military he may be liable to. I 
don't doubt M r Pitt will acquaint you by this opportunity, of the 
Sentiments of His Majesty's Servants, relating to the Reinforcements 
intended to be sent to you. I shall do all that is in my Power to press 
the sending them out early, & with such Artillery, Amunition &c, as 
may make them answer the Purposes they May be intended for. 

I must not omit to mention that your sending of M r Pownal here, 
has been of great Service, & will be more so, when we come to fix 
upon a Plan. By the little Conversation I have as yet had with him, he 
has fully answered the Expectations I had of him, from the Character 
Lord Halifax gave him. I hope we shall soon be able to send him back 
to you, as I am sensible he must be a great Loss to you from his 
Capacity & the Knowledge he has of that Country. 

I can, with great Satisfaction assure you that His Majesty in particu- 
lar, as well as every well-informed Person, is highly Satisfied with your 
prudent Conduct during this dificult Campaign: and you do me the 
Justice to believe that I sincerely rejoyce at the Aprobation given to 
One, whose Measures, Temper & judgement have been so entirely 


agreeable to my own Sentiments. You shall find all the Readiness pos- 
sible in me, to support & assist you and your Cause here ai home, with 
all the Strength & Warmth I am capable of. I remain your affection- 

nate Friend, 

[Endorsed] Letter from H:R:H: to L d Loudoun: October 22: IJ56: continued 
Dec the 2 d and concluded December the 2}' 1J56. N:B: 1 lis ( .<>|>\ 
was intended for a Duplicate; but was not sent to his Lordship. 

John Thomlinson 1 to Granville 2 


My Lord (Granville) 

As our Foreign Trade is certainly the Source of all our Wealth, and 
consequently our Strength, Then our American Collonies and planta- 
tions, must absolutely be of the utmost concicpjence to the defence, 
wellfare R: hapiness of These Kindoms, As the Trade with Those col- 
lonies & plantations are of greater advantage to us than all other 
Foreign Trades we are in possession of, as this very Trade brings in afar 
greater Ballance to the increace of our National Stock, Than all our 
other Foreign Trades put together; And also Employs More Shipping, 
breedes & Employs more Seamen, More Artificers Manufacturers, &c 
&c, than all the Rest; and with this particular advantage, That how- 
ever our Other Foreign Trades may be obstructed, this Trade must 
still continue soley our Own; And this our most daingerous Ri vails 
in Trade, and most implacable Enemies the French, well know, And 
are makeing every effort in their power to wrest this inestimable Foun- 
tain of wealth & strength out of our hands, and should they ever suc- 
ceed, how must we then be distress'd to keep up our Fleets & Annys in 
so respetable a manner as we have hitherto done; and on the other 
hand thus loseing so large a Fund of wealth and strength, navigation & 
Trade, to our most bitter Enemies, will enable them to increase their 
Navigation & Trade, in proportion to our loss, and thereby be enabled 
to increase their naval strength to such a degree, as to ingross and 
Commond all the Foreign Tade in the World, And altho The King- 
doms & States in Europe, may not at present Attend to These Am- 
bitious Schemes of France; but supinely set under them, or unnaturally 

1 John Thomlinson of East Barnet, merchant of London, was one of the army 
monev contractors and since 1734 colonial ajjent for New Hampshire. 

- John Carteret, Earl Granville, was the proponent <>i .1 vigorous continental policy 
when secretary of state, 1742-1711. and was lord president <>l the Privy Council from 
1751 to 1765. 


enter into them for some present End, yet if Their good friends the 
French shall ever Carry their point so far, as to reduce these Kingdoms 
to their Wish, Their insatiable Thirst of Universal Empire cannot 
End here, but thus haveing gott the Means into Their hands; without 
the spirit of prophetsie I think I may venture to say, Their turn will 
be Next; and that the first Victims, may probebly be, Spain, Holland 
& Germany, however your Lordship can see much better & farther 
into these Matters than I can. 

And this My Lord I only disign'd as An introduction to what I set 
down to offer to your Lordships consideration, at this most Critical 
juncture, which is a method or plan, which if carried into Execution 
with resolution Vigor & Despatch, as his most Gracious Majesty has 
recomended From the Throne, (from my knowledge of the North 
America Collonies and the long Experience I have had in their Af- 
fairs) will in my Opinion not only put an End to all our present dain- 
gers, and Difficultys There, but Entirely prevent the like ever hap- 

The News papers My Lord, Bruite it about this Kingdom, and 
concquently All over Europe, so that it is in the mouth of Every man 
you meet, That we are about to send to North America, a great num- 
ber of Land Forces, and a strong squadron of ships, and it is likewise 
said & believed, the French are doeing the same, however, if They are 
not, they undoubtedly will; upon finding what we are doing send a 
greater Number of Land Forces, and ships of War, out of Brest, or some 
other Ports, and if possible to be in North America Before us, and 
may slip out, without our Cruizeing squadrons seeing them, as was 
the Case the last year when Their ships of war frequently went out, 
and in, Notwithstand the Vigelence of our cruizeing squadrons, or it 
may be, this armement may be Esscorted to sea beyond the Cruize of 
our squadron; by a Fleet superior to any we may then have off 
Their Ports, as was the Case before, and whither or no it may proceed 
from the deffrence of our, and the French Constitutions I cannot say, 
but this is generaly said & believed that all their Expeditions and un- 
dertakings, are resolved on, and all the necessary preprepareations 
made, and carried into Execution with such impenetrable secrecy as not 
to be discover'd untill the Blow is struck,— While on the other hand, 
every resolution of this sort Taken here, of sending Land Forces or Even 
single ships of War, upon Any Expedition, or Ocasion whatever, or 
whenever Any Fleets of merchant ships, or single Rich ships are Ex- 
pected home, or goeing Out, imeadially Every news gatherer, every 
Busie inquisitive Fellow, or spye, do's know the WHAT, the HOW, 


the WHEN, and the WHERE, and then In the Villanous And mes- 
chivous News papers, every thing we do, or design to do, not only 
our Friends, But also our Enemies all over the World knows <>l it, and 
are thus advertized and caution'd to prepare to defeat Ever) thing 

we undertake. 

But My Lord besides this Fatal Licenciousness, (which sunk might 
be cure'd) there is another Evel which generally Attends all oui Un 
dertakeings, whether it proceeds from the Forms [?] ol Offices, 01 what 
I cannot say, But generally all our Expeditions are so Teadious in their 
preparations, that the proper season for putting them in Exe< ution has 
offten been lost, And at other times the Enemic thus advertize as above, 
have had sumcent time and oppertunity to make such preparations, 
as to defeat all our pin pose's. And in this now particular Case, more 
than in most other, Time and season must be Attended to. And give 
me leave My Lord to say, that Now, TIME is, and a Most Critical k 
precious Time indeed, For if now that Vigour 8c dispatch which his 
Majesty has so graciously recommended, is made Use of, so that a 
sumcent number of Troops may be Embarked, togeather with a strong 
squadron, and ready to put to sea with the first fair wind after the 
first of February, so as to be able to get to North America by the first 
of April, that they may have the whole summer before them, and which 
may probably be before the French Armament may arrive there, and 
I will hope That at this Crittical time when so much is depending, a 
very sumcent Body of Troops, as well as ships of War. will be sent, and 
at the aforesaid time, and Then I am satisfied in my own mind, that 
(under the Favour of Divine providence) they will soon remove the 
dainger which at present threaten us, and prevent the like ever hap- 
ening, and it has ever been my way of Thinking, That Missfortuncs 
and ills, are Easier and better prevented, Than Cure'd when sufferd to 
come upon us; And Theffore at this important Cricis, will it not be 
more prudent, at once to remove the daingers and difficulty's we now 
labour under, for ever, Tho at A Milion Expence, than let this most 
favourable Opertunity slip, so that our Enimies may get such footing 
in our Collonies, as may in time cost these Kingdoms Twenty Milions, 
and at last not be able to dispossess them, or recover our loss. 

And now My Lord, Tho I have mentiond my hope that a sufficent 
Body of Troops, and a strong squadron will be ready to sail lor North 
America, by the first of February, I will not pretend to say what num- 
ber of Troops, or ships of war, But only submit to Vmn Lordship my 
private opinion, what may be necessarv to be clone, in the fitting out. 
& Destination of this very important Expedition, and the reasons for 


this opinion Your Lordship will see, arrives from some things I have 
Mentiond above. 

Then in the first place my Lord, Tho as I have said the report has 
already been spread universally, that this Expidition is for North 
America, Vet might it not be proper and Necessary at this time, to do 
what has been done in other Case's of far less concequence; That is, 
That some hints may be Thrown out; that this first Expedition, is not 
for America But for some other purpose; supose, for the retakeing 
Minorca, or the takeing the Island of Corsica, This report would soon 
obtain, and be spread all over Europe, and might it not have the good 
Effect of diverting the Attention of the French from America, in a 
good measure, or At least retarding & Delaying their Expedition 
Thether, if so, we gain a great point, and it will be very Easie to put 
This report out of All doubt, with the News Mongers, spyes &c, By 
giveing orders to the Navy, & Ordnance Boards, to take up & hire 
The Transports for carrieing the soldiers, ar tilery &:c &c, for Minorca 
Corsica, or to all or Any Other ports or place's, where they shall be 
orderd by the Commander in Chief for the time being. 

And My Lord The Thus Chartring These Transports For One 
Voyage, And after they are gott to sea ordering them to proceed upon 
Another, Cannot in my humble opinion be of the least hurt or dam- 
age, to them, as the very same Fitting out, as to stores provision Men 
&c, must be nessasary in one Voyage, as in the other, And so will be 
in all the ships of war, which are to Accompany them, and the same 
orders and Instructions will very properly Operate, untill they are a 
proper distance at sea, where it may be thought proper to direct their 
Final Orders & Instructions to be opened; And which in my humble 
opinion may be when the Fleet has proceeded as near as they could, 
upon a West South West Course one hundred Leagues West from the 
Lands End of England; And the Final orders to be There and then 
opened &: in my opinion should Then be, That they all proceed a direct 
Course for New York, untill they Attain the Meridian of Halifax in 
Nova Scotia, where in all probibility they will be out of the way 
of any French squadron, Then and there, it may be proper for the 
Commander to put the Fleet of Transports store ships Sec, under a 
proper Convoy to see them safe to New York, And then to proceed 
with His Squadron directly to Louisbourg, (takeing care to avoid the 
daingerous Isle of Sables, which lyes directly in his way) and for some 
time to Cruize of that Harbour, spreading all the ships under his 
Command, from Louisbourg aCross the straits between that place and 
Newfoundland, and so, as to be within call; and thus they can hardly 


miss any of the French ships of war, or Transports, if we have the 
good fortune to be there before them, lor it cannot be supposed thai 
they will attempt the straits of Betile [Belle Isle], before the summei 
is piitty well advanced, and Therefore, I am ol opinion 1 he) must 
come this way, and that all or some of Them, will Certainly Call at 
Louisbourg, for information, &: other purpose's, 8c espicially to learn ii 
the Gulf & River of S l Laurence is so free from Ice, thai the navigation 
is safe for such large ships, and here our Fleel will soon meet with and 
take some of The French ships, or Vessills, whereby they will gel in- 
tilegence if the French Fleet is arrived, and where they arc. or if not 
arrived when Expected, and take their measures accordingly, and the) 
also will be here ready as the season advances, to proceed up the river 
of S 1 Laurence, or where Ever it may be found necessary. 

And now My Lord, by the time this Fleet shall be arrived off Louis- 
bourg, and thus properly station'd; I will hope, that the Fleet of 
Transports may be safe at New York, and there find every thing pre- 
pared to Carry the Troops &C, up Hudsons River to Albany, or where- 
ever Lord Louden may order them to join the army, and which I hope 
They will meet all Assembled, and in good order, and spirits, and fit 
for Action, And of sufficient Force to drive the French before them. 
And Then, after we shall have The good fortine to become Masters 
of the Fortress 8c Garison of Crown Point, I think our Troops will 
not have much difficulty in getting by the way of Lake Champlain, and 
otherways to the Banks of the River S* Laurence, and then, by the 
blessing of God, Monreal & Quebeck will soon be in our hands, and 
then all the French Forts 8; settlements in those parts must fall of 
Course, and the great work in this part of the World will be over. 

And I must hope, That as soon as our Arms are blessed with suc- 
cess so far as to have got possession of Crown Point, And Lord Louden 
can form a judgement, at what time his army may arrive before Que- 
beck, and that if he shall find it necessary, he will send directly Ex- 
presse from Crown point, to the Commander of our Fleet off Louis- 
bourg, acquainting him with his Lordships Plan of Operation, and 
the time it may be necessary for the Fleet to be before Quebeck; and 
may in my opinion be the soonest and best done, by sending his 
despatches to Governor Wentworth, who lives at Portsmouth in the 
province of Newhamshire, 8c near The mouth of the River Piscataqua, 
and where there are constantly ships and Vessills, so to be reach to 
carry these dispatches to the Fleet, and this being the nearest port to 
Nova Scotia. 

And with great submition to your Lordship, may it not he necessar) 


to do, if not already done, and that is, for the government to send 
away a nimble ship, and also duplicate by the first New York packet, 
or otherwise, Orders to all the Governors in North America, to raise 
as many men as possible, to Join Lord Loudon by the first of April, 
And I am of opinion that they will raise a great number, provided 
they shall at the same time be promised, to be reimbursed the Expence 
of these Extraordnary Forces, and as I have said before, That let it 
cost what it may, it will in My Opinion be far better to finish this 
most intresting Affair in One Year, Than to prolong it to a great 
length of Time, And a Monstrous Expence. 

My Lord, nothing but my Zeal for my King and Country, and def- 
fence security peace and happiness of his Majestys Domions, and of 
Every individual Therein, could have induced me to have taken this 
liberty, of troubleing Your Lordship, with so long & incorect a Letter, 
and on such a subject, as I could not let any body see or make a fair 
Copy of, And if there should be any thing in it, that can be of any 
service to the publick, Then my End is answer'd; But if not, I am 
Well satisfied from the Experience I have had of Your Lordships can- 
dor that you will beleive it is well mean't, & Therefore will take the 
Will for the Deed.— I am with the greatest deffrance and regard, May 
it please Your Lordship, your Lordships Most Obed 1 hum ble servant 

John Thomlinson 
East Barnet the 13 th of December 1756 

To the Right Honourable John Earl of Granville President of His 
Majestys most Honourable Privy Council. 

[Endorsed] East-Barnet; Decern 1 " iy. 1756 M r Thomlinson, to Lord Granville; 
with considerat s upon the intended Expedition to North America. 

Cumberland to Loudoun 


most private, 

S l James's Dec 1 " 23 d 1756. 

my Lord Loudoun, I write this private Letter to you to assure you of 
the thorough Satisfaction your Conduct has give me & will not fail 
to Support you to the utmost of my Power through the many dificul- 
ties you find in the executing of your orders & in opposition to the 
public Service. 

Nothing can be worse than our Situation here at home, without any 
Plan, or even a Desire to have one. great Numbers talked of to be 


Sent you, but without any Consideration of how, & from whence, with- 
out considering what they Shoud carry with them. But, that you may 
know what can be done for you, I write in my own Hand, trusting 
to your Honour that you will burn this as Soon as read. 1 

The King will Spare you five old Battalions from Europe & two 
thousand new raised High I a riders, which will make 6000: men, officers 
included: 8c 1 will Send a proper Train of Artillery with them. Pre- 
pare your own Plan for one army up the .V Lawrence River, & for the 
other to keep the Enemy in check, from where your army now is. I 
will Send you my Thoughts more fully with a Plan of mine for your 
operations, which you Shall be left at Liberty, either to adopt, in part, 
or not at all, as you Shall find it proper, from your better Information. 
I don't doubt a moment of your burning this Letter. So don't answer 
it; but Send your Plan & Thoughts without taking any Notice of this 
most private Letter. I remain very Sincerely your most affectionate 

Loudoun to Cumberland 


Albany 22 d November 1756. 
concluded at New York; 26: Decern 1 " 1756. 

I have in my Letter to M r Fox, given an account of the Quarters I 
have put the Troops into; but it is necessary, I should likewise Ac- 
quaint Your Royal Highness with my reasons, for making that distribu- 
tion of them. 

In order to save Your Royal Highness trouble, in looking back to 
my Letter, I have sent you a return of the Situation of the Troops. 

I determined to Garrison Fort William-Henry and Port Edward, 
with the jj th & 48 th Regiments, because I found those two Regiments, 
much more Soldiers, than any Troops I had to place there, and I 
thought them the only People, on whom I could depend, foi making 
a propper defense, in case of an Attack. If I take another Rout. I 
shall relieve them in the Spring; if I do not, they are ready to take 
the Field: If I had taken but one for that purpose, it would have pre- 
vented their recruiting; and the other of them, had not so many men 
as were necessary for the Garrisons. 

1 The signed letter of which ilii> is the autograph draft is in the Loudoun Papers 
in the Huntington Library. 


The remains of them I bring to Albany, and I shall keep them both 
there, along with the 35** Regiment, who I likewise keep at Albany, 
to be immediately under the Eye of Major General Abercromby, who 
will look very well to them; and I hope, by their doing duty along 
with the officers and Men of the 44 th and 48 th Regiments, we may by 
the next Campaign, Improve both their Officers and Men; and I do 
assure You, there has been no pains Spared: They are a fine body of 
Men, and will be a good Regiment; and in order to forward that, I 
am now picking out some good Officers, to fill up the Lieutenantcies 
that are left vacant in it. 

There was a great push made, to persuade me to throw in the 42* 
Regiment into the Forts, but as they have very few of the Men remain- 
ing, that were with You in Flanders; great part of those that came 
from Ireland, new; and five hundred recruits thrown in just now; I 
dared not trust the defense of those places to them this Winter. I sent 
them to Schenectady, where they will have most of their Men to- 
gether, having only two hundred and Fifty Men detached, where they 
are among the Indians, and are likelyer to agree with them, than any 
other of the Troops, as the Indians have an Opinion, that they are a 
kind of Indians. 

The Royal Americans, I have been obliged to turn into several 
Shapes: I have now divided them into the four Battalions, and from 
the duty they have had this Summer, those we had, are better able to 
assist in disciplining the Recruits, than they would otherwise have 
been. The Quarters 1 have chose for them, are in the Heart of our 
only recruiting Country, and are the most convenient for taking the 
Field next Campaign, where-ever it is to be. If You approve of the 
Plan, of going up the River S f Laurence; I can at once, from New-York 
and the Jerseys, put those two Battalions in Sloops, and carry them 
Land locked, to Bristol, and from there, March them Fifty Miles of 
good road, to Boston; the other two Battalions being more South, I 
can March so, as to take up the Quarters in the Jerseys, the day the 
others embark, and so put them on board likewise. I have mentioned 
landing them at Bristol, or in that Bay, for I should not chuse, early 
in the Spring, to venture to turn that long Point of Land, to carry 
them round to Boston in Sloops; for should they meet with a North 
West wind, they must stand Streight for the West Indies. 

The Objection is still stronger, to putting the Troops to the South- 
ward, at once into Transports, because they must stand without all 
the Nantucket Shoals, which is a bad Navigation; and without a Con- 
voy, would run the risk of being pickt up by the Enemy; this is the 


Situation, if the Campaign is to be on thai side: II it is to be pushed 
on this way, the convenience of Wain Carriage, answers the same 
from New York and the Jerseys here, thai whenever the Sloops are Col- 
lected, the whole or any pan Sails up the River to Albany. 

My reasons for distributing the Independent Companies, are, as 
they arc in so bad a Condition, I dare not trust them quite to them- 
selves, to set them right; therefore, have in some degree, Join'd cadi 
to a Battalion, that they may he under the Eye and Inspection ol the 
Commanding Officer of a Battalion; from where I hope to have them 
compleated with good Men. 

As the Provinces South to this, where the Royal Americans and three 
of the Independent Companies are Quartered, are the only one's from 
where we have hitherto got Recruits, I was under a necessity, <>l allow- 
ing the 35"' jj"> & ./«V"' Regiments to Recruit there likewise, or I could 
not in any other Shape have compleated them; which I am in hopes 
to do, altho' the Recruits have come in very Slow of late. 

By being obliged te) have so many Corps recruiting there, the whole 
Country is as full of recruiting Officers as it can hold; which [oined, 
with what I understand, was one of the motives for raising Majors 
General Shirley and Pepperell's Regiments, that out of the numbers 
of Men in New England they could be immediately compleated, tho' 
that did not happen, and the most of them were raised in the South : 
Yet as M r Pcppcrcll is on the Spot, and M r Shirley has still a party 
Subsisting, both which, I will endeavor to pique on compleating those 
two Corps; I thought it right, not to over load the South with more 
recruiting Officers, at least till I had got sure of the Corps already re- 
cruiting there, compleated, and made the Experiment in New Eng- 
land; besides, till another Packet arrives, I do not know certainly, 
what Orders I shall receive about those two Battalions. 

Captain Richmond's Independent Company, I am assured by every 
body, will be compleated there: and for that reason I sene! them there. 

I have on purpose avoided, sending any of the Independent Com- 
panies to New York, as the Governor used to have the Command of 
them; and from many Incidents, I see is still very unwilling to believe, 
he has it not yet. 

I have been forced to keep the Troops too late in the' field; first, 
from the Enemy keeping so long in a body in our Neighbourhood; 
then, to finish the Forts so far as to make them defensible; ami thirdly 
here for want of barracks, in which I have been \e i\ dl served; for M r 
Montrcsor, whom I employed as being Chief Engineer, has shifted so 
often from one thing to another, without Acquainting me. tho" on 


the Spot, and making Alterations, & carrying on works without Ac- 
quainting me, which has thrown the Barracks so far back, that I am 
forced to put the Troops into Quarters, which are not able well to 
contain them; this I believe he will not try again, but business will not 
go on under his direction; it is all very well when he is with you, but 
as his Practise has plainly been all, in drawing & directing in his room, 
it neither goes on nor is well directed, when he is from you. 

Your Royal Highness will see in my Publick Letter, the Situation 
of the Forts; to which I shall add, that those Wooden Forts are so far 
good, that they consume a great deal of Timber, and by that, clear 
round themselves; but on the other hand, they occasion a great deal 
of labour, in driving home those logs, squaring them, and dovetail- 
ing them together at all the Angles; And from what I can yet Judge, 
will not last long, before they are rotten and decayed: my opinion is, 
not above five or Six years, and I see none, that imagine they will last 
above Seven Years. 

I form my Judgement in this case, from what I see; first, all the Tim- 
ber one sees lying in the Woods, with which they are quite full, is all 
rotten; even that, which was cut in Spring 1755, to make the Road, 
is very much Spoilt; but there they are very much Shaded, and under 
the drop of other Trees, which consumes timber very fast: But I see 
likewise, at Fort William-Henry, in the works that were carried on 
there last year, that the timber has already suffered; and in the Case- 
mattes there, where the Water has Soaked through; but the great Logs, 
from not being sufficiently secured with Oakum, are very much Rot- 
ted; and even the People here, agree that the Timber of this Country, 
rotts much sooner than the Timber in Europe does; but indeed there 
is no Justice done to it here, for it is cut when wanted, and directly 
put to use, whatever the Season of the Year is; For which reason, when- 
ever there is occasion to build a Fort, that probably will remain, if 
there is Stone k Lime near, I should advise it's being built of them. 
The Alegation that I have heard, that Lime does not bind in this 
Country, I do not find holds in private buildings, tho* I am afraid 
it does in many Publick, both with us and the French; but that seems 
to be entirely owing, to the buildings being made in the end of the 
Year, after the Frosts are begun. 

When I mentioned the Garrisons, I neglected to inform you, that 
I had stowed them with Eight Months Provisions; the Storm prevent- 
ing the Troops at Fort Edward, longer from Marching than intended, 
may encroach on that, but I have Provisions in the Magazines on the 
Road, to supply that, as soon as Slaying comes to be good, which is 


the Cheapest way of doing it; and if the Winter proves good Eoi sl.» \ . 
I propose keeping those Magazines lull, b) Idling up as they consume 
them. I have likewise left the Pay for the Garrisons <>t the two Forts, 
to the 23 d of February. 

As to other particulars, relating to tin 1 roops; there are two. that 
it is necessary for me to mention to You. I Acquainted you with the 
manner, in which I proposed to recruit and Cloath the Men oi the 
44 th & j8 th Regiments; that I proposed to have compleated the jo** 
& jj 4 * Regiments, so far as would, in a great measure, have answered 
the filling up the others, and to have Cloathed them before I drafted 
them. I had great hopes, of the North Carolina Troops submitting to 
M r Dobson's determination, and having them all turned over; and of 
recruits from the New York and Jersey Regiments; but those two last 
keep up their Regiments, to avoid the intollerable expence they are 
at in Lexry Money every year; and the Carolina Troops would not Sub- 
mit to be turned over, without force; which I thought better avoided, 
as I shall have them turned over as soon as they return, by their own 
People; and since they were ordered home, I have got a good many of 
them enlisted in the Americans. And as to my Plan of drafting the 
50"' & 51 st Regiments, to compleat the ././"' & 48**, with Cloathing, it 
will not answer; for those Regiments really want more (Moat lis than 
Men; Besides which, another misfortune attends them, that very few 
of their Coats will make waistcoats; they are so thorough worn, that 
they are really like Cobwebs, tho' they have kept them as decent as 
they can, with mending them: So that on considering those things, 
and both the badness of any Stuff can be bought here, to cover those 
Men, and the excessive price it Costs in this Country, it seems to all 
of us here, that the best way we could supply that Cloathing, was, b) 
taking as much of the 50** & ?i st Regiments, as would do it: that who- 
ever was to Pay that Cloathing, it was both better and cheaper, than 
what could be got here; and this is a Climate, where Men cannot live 
in Winter, without Cloaths. 

If those Regiments are to be recruited, up to the full establishment, 
there will be still time enough, to replace that Cloathing from Eng- 
land; if vacancies are to be kept, for the Men that are Prisoners, there 
will be more than enough of Spare Cloathing. 

The other, is the Supernumeraries of the Highlanders, which Your 
Royal Highness agreed should be put in the Royal Americans, and 
drafted from there, to compleat the 42* Regiment, as wanted: As the) 
have all along looked on themselves, as belonging to the Highland 
Regiment, and I believe the American Officers, when they had so many 


Men to discipline, not chosing to be troubled with teaching them, have 
all beg'd of me, to Join them to the j2 d Regiment, and to continue 
to charge their Pay to the Royal Americans, till they fall into the j2 d 
by vacancies, which I have agreed to; and they are now with the 
Highlanders. I should likewise have told Your Royal Highness, that 
one Ship, with Recruits from Germany, must either be taken, but 
more probably lost; for she came out with the Ships that arrived a con- 
siderable time ago from Stade; She was with them in the Orkneys, 
there complained her Provisions would not hold out the Voyage, and 
then made so much Water, that her Pumps were constantly going; 
Some of the Officers, M r M c Lane I think, went a Shore, and bought 
some Provisions for her, but She would not stay to take them on board, 
but left them there, and went to Sea: they say the Captain had Letters 
of Mark on board, and it was imagined, he chose to part with the 
other Ships, in hopes of taking a Prize, with the assistance of so many 
Men on board. If there is no account of her come to London, She must 
be lost. 

I come now to the Prisoners taken, and sent home; from them, I 
imagine Your Royal Highness may have all the Information that can 
be had of that Place; Several of them were there, when M r Shirley 
was there last year; others of them, have been there all Winter; who 
can give full information, of what situation things were in, at both 
those periods; for which, the information I have had, of which I trans- 
mitted Copies, will furnish so many of the Queries: M r M c Kellar can 
give you information, of the situation of the Fortifications; and by all 
I hear, M r Pitcher, the Commissary of Musters, will be as likely a Man 
to tell truth as any, of all that could come to his knowledge: And from 
Letters, from M r Lewis' wife, to him, I imagine, if M r Alexander does 
not get hold of him, he will reveal all the Clandestine Trade; as her 
advice is, to Join with the People that are come, and reveal all; for 
She says, She does not see, why he should ruin himself, for People who 
have used him so 111. he was Commissary of the Stores; and had the 
disposal of the Goods, sent up by Mess rs Alexander Irwin &ca, and can 
inform what Quantities of them were sent up in the Kings Batteaus, 
and at his Expence; by which, the Garrison come to be in such dis- 
tress last Winter, for Provisions. 

It is plain, those two Regiments were never regularly Paid; I have 
suspected many reasons, but I am not yet able, to find out the true 
State of the Case: I long suspected, that as M r Shirley used to put 
many of his Warrants into the hands of his People, and allow them 
to Negotiate them, with the Contractors Agents here, that they had 


a Share in the chawing lor the Money; but this. Majoi Craven as- 
sures me was not the Case: He is now drawing up a State ol thai case, 
a Copy of which I shall enclose; and as Captain More, ol the 50 th , is 
sent home, it may be got out ol him; foi it is ver) extraordinary, thai 
That Regiment, that never was compleat, should have bul so small a 
Sum in the Pay Masters hands, when I Landed. 

I have discharged several of those two Regiments, and the Independ- 
ent Companies, which will not appear in those returns; those foi 
November not being all come in yet. 

I am still afraid, 1 shall have a good deal of trouble in Settling the 
Quarters; but as this year will be the Precedent for future times, I 
shall spare no Pains to sett it right. In this place, the) icaly have 
hardly any more beds, than they lye on themselves; I am forced to 
give the Men Palliasses; and tho' they have a better Excuse than the 
other Quarters, from the number of Troops here, I am alt aid 1 shall 
be forced to do it every where; but I shall take care to keep up my 
Claim, to every thing included in the Mutiny Ail. 

I am afraid, I shall be blamed for the Ranging Companies; but 
as realy in Ellect we have no Indians, it is impossible for an Army to 
Act in this Country, without Rangers; and there ought to be a con- 
siderable body of them, and the breeding them up to that, will be a 
great advantage to the Country, for they will be able to deal with In- 
dians in their own way; and from all I can see, are much stronger 
and hardier fellows than the Indians, who are many of them tall, as 
most of the People here are, but have a small feeble Arm, and are a 
loose-made indolent sett of People; and hardly any of them, have the 
least degree of Faith or honesty; and I doubt a good deal of their Coin- 
age: better times, may shew them in a different light. 

I believe in a former Letter. I misinformed Your Royal Highness, 
about the number of deserters, from the jj' h and jS"' Regiments, and 
made them about three hundred from each; I have since perceived, I 
had Jumbled that wrong in my own head, for it is about three hundred 
from the two; but as the returns come along with that Letter, it would 
shew that affair as it is. 

In the return from Quebeck, I imagine those Prisoners that are not 
accounted for, have enlisted with the Enemy. 

Enclosed, I send Your Royal Highness a State ol the Independent 
Companies; I think, if you approve of it, they had better be put on 
the same footing with the other Troops, as to their manner of being 
Paid, and take off that ten per Cent, which is stopped, l>\ 1 educing 
the Surgeons and Chaplain; as they have but two of the first, lor the 


four Companies, I should think, they had better have a Mate to each; 
And as for the Chaplain, I do not find they ever saw him: If you 
do not chuse to make that Establishment any more expensive, that 
may be kept on the same footing, by reducing a few of the Men of 
each Company: If you chuse to Regiment them, there is likewise a 
Plan sent for that. 

There is one thing, I would beg leave to mention, for Your Royal 
Highness Consideration, which is, whether you would allow the Cap- 
tains of those Companies, to continue to draw their own Money, as 
they have always done, which is a difference to them, of fourteen or 
fifteen per Cent; which will make those Companies a better thing to 
give to an Old Officer, when you chuse to put them there. I shall have 
great difficulty, to make any thing of those Companies, there are so 
very few Officers in them, who know any thing of the Trade; but that 
I shall endeavor to remedy, as fast as Vacancies happen, and I can get 
People to supply their Places, who can discipline them: Many of the 
Officers have been Indian Traders, and bought of the Governor, for 
the convenience of carrying on their Trade: Among those, is Lieu 1 
Roseboom, who is in that sort of Condition, as the Surgeons of our 
own Hospitals, whom I have sent to Visit him, assure me, I cannot 
force him to do duty, as he is, what they call, Hypocondriack, but in 
no likelyhood of dying. I hope Your Royal Highness will not disap- 
prove, if I can get him to Sell for one hundred or one hundred and fifty 
Pounds, to some of the Serjeant Majors, or a Voluntier, that has the 
appearance of making an Officer; that I may have some tools to work 

This brings me to the Payment of the Troops, which was very well 
settled before; but after I had the honor to be Appointed to the Com- 
mand here, and the Royal American Regiment was to be raised, a new 
plan was set on foot, for Paying the Troops in Pensilvania, in Gold, 
by weight; whereas the former method was, by the dollar, at four Shill- 
ings and Eight pence; against which there has been no complaint, and 
there is a Saving to the Crown, of about Eight per Cent, at the Ex- 
pence of the Troops and Contingencies. M r Hanbury was sent to me, 
to explain this, and to shew me, that this Alteration was meant en- 
tirely for the benefit of the Service, and the Soldier in particular. 
This was a Plan of M r Hunter, in J'irginia, who is M r Han- 
bury's Agent in this Country; M r Hanbury did not understand 
it himself, so failed in convincing me; and I objected on the 
general Principal, that if Soldiers were to be paid on one side the 
River, in one Shape, and on the other, in another manner, it would 


be impossible to convince them, that they were not (heated; bill on 
the Duke of Newcastle & Lord Duplin's insisting, that it was certainly 
a right thing, I agreed to try it; on Condition I was to Change it, 
whenever I found it liable to Inconvenience: I accordingly did try 
it. It will be objected, that Major General Abercromby, did before my 
arrival Change it, on the representations made to him before my ar- 
rival; but as soon as I come, I supereeeded that Order: As 1 had 
promised to try it, which transaction Major General Abercromby 
knew nothing of, being gone before it was Settled; and alter the trial, 
I have since been obliged to renew Major General Abercromby's Ol- 

Enclosed, Your Royal Highness has the State of the Affair at large, 
annexed to the Deputy Paymasters Memorial, which he brought, in 
consequence of his Order from the Office; and as the State of the Af- 
fair is long, I shall beg leave to mention one or two plain Facts. 

I shall take Pistoles for the Example; they are of two different 
weights; All those that do not weigh fully the highest weight, when 
Paid away, are only markatable at the lowest value, whatever addi- 
tion of Gold they have, which does not come fully up to the heavy 
Pistole, and that sometimes, amounts to near two Grains, all which 
is accounted to the Pay Master when he receives it by weight, and 
for which he receives not one farthing when he pays them again in 
Tale: this Your Royal Highness sees, is a very great promt to the Con- 
tractors, or their Agents, which never can appear, or be brought to 
Account, to the Crown. There is another Fraud attends this new 
Scheme, which is, that by it we shall never receive any Silver, as after 
the Contractors Agents have collected the Money in Silver for their 
bills, they can then make fourteen pence on every Twenty eight Shill- 
ings, by changing it into Gold; there have been several Instances of 
this, but I shall name only one, which I have no other Proof of, but 
M r Hunter's Clerk owning it himself, to several People: It is this, he 
brought Thirty thousand Pounds in Silver, from Virginia, to Pay to 
the Deputy Pay Master at New York; he, at Philadelphia, changed this 
Sum into Gold, by which, either he, or his Master, made fourteen Hun- 
dred Pounds clear: This Your Royal Highness will see, is a very great 
Trade, and is still attended with several further Inconveniences; such, 
as when we are in Towns, we cannot Change any Piece of Gold, in 
order to Pay the Men, without Paying the Person that gives Silver for 
it; and when we are up in the Deserts, there is no Possibility of Chang- 
ing the Gold, to pay the Men: besides this, when we receive the Money 
in different Species of Gold, there is no possibility of Paying the Men 


equaly ; for tho' they all come to us, at so much the Ounce, the Species 
have different values, in the different Provinces. This Evil is likewise 
severely felt, in all sums paid out of the Contingencies of the Army; 
whereas, those that receive the Gold, know the loss, and Charge in 
their demands, accordingly. I hope for Your Royal Highness Protec- 
tion in this Point, for I may Negotiate with those Boards, but I can- 
not Change, without throwing things into great Confusion. 

I have in my Publick Letter, given an Account, of the Quarters 
being at last Settled here; to Your Royal Highness, I will say more of 
the matter. I told them from the beginning, that if they did not give 
Quarters, I would take them; I chose to get them, to settle the Prec- 
edent of their giving them; in this Situation, they beg'd for a delay 
from day to day, to bring in their People; at last they came with their 
Answer, and I sent for the Mayor into my room, to know what it was 
to be when I met the Corporation; and he told me, he could not bring 
his People to Consent: I told him since that was the case, as he had 
several of the Magistrates with him, I would send for some of the 
Principal Officers, that we might have People of both sides present, to 
hear what past; in the mean time, till those People came, for it was 
before Nine in the Morning, I explained to the Mayor, in strong 
terms, how their Conduct appeared to me; and afterwards asked him 
his opinion, that as the Troops in Town, were not much above three 
hundred, whether the People would Submit Peaceably to my Quarter- 
ing them, or if it would be necessary for me, to March in more Bat- 
talions for that purpose; for that as soon as I had received their answer, 
I would send for three, four, five or Six Battalions, if necessary, to set- 
tle that Point; and that I did assure him, if the Order for the March 
of those Troops was once given, nothing they could do, after taking 
up so much of my time, should Stop them from coming here, and be- 
ing Quartered in the Town; and that I would likewise take Quarters 
for myself, and every Officer, when business obliged him to be here, 
till the Motions of the Enemy, or the Season of the Year, obliged me 
to move them out: On this, he beg'd a delay till next morning, and 
that afternoon, he, with the Recorder and Lieutenant Governor, came 
to me, and agreed to give what Quarters I demanded. Their Plan for 
Quartering the Officers, was to Pay their Lodgings out of a Fund to be 
raised; I told them, it was no difference to me, whether they made 
the Quartering, a burthen on the particular Houses where the Officers 
lodged, or from a general Fund, but that which ever it was, I must 
have a Billet on the House. 

Here, this opposition seems not to come from the lower People, but 


from the leading People, who raise the dispute, in ordei to have a 
merit with the others, by defending their Liberties, as they (all them. 

At Philadelphia, things are very bad; 1 shall not pretend, (ill I am 
better informed, to say who occasions it, but the Point being settled 
here, I hope will enable M r Webb, to set it right there. 

But the truth is, Governors here are Cyphers; t lie i 1 Predecessors sold 
the whole of the Kings Prerogative, to get their Sallaries; and till you 
find a Fund, independent of the Province, to l'a\ tin- Governors, and 
new model the Government, you can do nothing with the Provinces. 
I know it has been said in London, this is not the time; if You ck la\ it 
till a Peace, You will not have a force to Exert any Brittish Act, ol 
Parliament here, for tho' they will not venture to go so Ear with me, 
I am assured by the Officers, that it is not uncommon, lor the People 
of this Country to say, they would be glad to see any Man, thai dare 
exert a Brittish Aet of Parliament here. 

Whilst I am writing, Letters are come in from Colonel Bouquet, at 
Philadelphia, who Acquaints us, that the Magistrates have refused 
Quarters; that M r Denny has Issued a Warrant lor them, and sent it 
to the Sheriff, who has refused to execute it, on which 1 have sent an 
Express to the Governor, to thank him lor the assistance he has given 
us, and to beg him, to inform the People, that I send directly Major 
General Webb to Command there, and with orders to take Quarters, 
in the same manner as they were taken in Brit tain, in the Years /j./s." 
& ij.f6; which the Governor Knows, as he served those Campains; 
that if the Battalion now there, is not Sufficient, I have ordered M r 
Webb, to March in as many more as are necessary, and Quarter the 
whole on them. 

The method f have followed in Quartering, is this; at Albany, where 
I am obliged to Quarter more Troops than the People can support, 
or reasonably ought, I have taken nothing from the Inhabitants but 
House room; and as they realy have not Beds, I have given the Men 
Paillasse's to lye on, and furnish them firing from the Magazine, at the 
rate of one fire to Twenty Men, as they have in the Barracks: the 
Officers, I have given Money for their firing, and I find it Cheaper 
than giving them Wood, the Accounts of which shall be sent, but I 
am afraid, it will not be ready till next Packet. 

Here, as they have resisted me, and are better able; I make them 
furnish me Beds and Firing: As to the small beer. I have established 
my right to it. but said, I should not insist much on it at present. 

At Philadelphia, I propose, as they have all along been so trouble- 
some, and are now so obstinate, to take the whole I have a right to; 


Imagining, that making a difference between those that comply will- 
ingly, in carrying on the Service, and those that are refractory, will 
have a good Effect; and I would gladly hope, that after this dispute at 
Philadelphia is Settled, 1 shall have no dispute about Quarters; except 
it be at Boston, where I have reason to apprehend, they are not dis- 
posed to give them. 

I have enclosed a List of the Commissions I have given, with an ac- 
count after each of them, in my own hand, of the reasons and recom- 
mendations. I have in this Provided every English Voluntier here, but 
I have still with me, some from Ireland, some from this Country, and 
a good many from Scotland. 

I imagine, I have left four Lieutenantcies in the Royal Americans 
vacant, as I do not know with any certainty, how that affair stands, 
as I have no accounts, of what has been done since I left London, but 
one of Lord Barringlon, of two Lieutenants that did not accept, and 
whose Places were Supplied by the King; and a List of foreign Officers, 
from Colonel Prevost, in which he does not inform me, in whose stead 
they come, or if they are added; but I imagine, with the two I have 
added here, their number is compleat of foreigners: As soon as I am 
informed, which 1 hope will be by the next Packet, whatever Vacan- 
cies there are, shall be filled up. Captain Stamvix, Son to the Colonel, 
is dead; as soon as I can with decency, I shall fill it up. 

I have had an infinite deal of trouble, with the Accounts of the 50 th 
Regiment; it took it's rise in this Shape. In August, Captain Jocelyn 
applied to me, for Subsistence of the detachment of the 50 th Regiment, 
under his Command at Herkermers. 

Your Royal Highness will see, by my Letters to Major General 
Webb, of August 20 th & September 16 th , that I, on finding that the 
Pay of Major General Pepperels Regiment, had not got up to Oswego, 
gave an Order to have it returned to the deputy Pay Master; but 
Major Craven Acquainted him, he had little more Money than was 
necessary for the detachment there; which surprised me a good deal, as 
both those Regiments had been paid up, by warrants from Major Gen- 
eral Shirley, to the 2j th of August 1J56: On which, till this detachment 
should Join me, I ordered Major Craven, Pay Master of the 5/"' Regi- 
ment, to supply the 50 th till further Orders: When I come here, I 
found Captain Jocelyn had drawn from Major Craven £1218.15.11; 
and gives me in a demand of Pay, for the whole detachment, from the 
25 th of October 1755, to the 2j ih of December 7756; Except the Sum 
of £142.2.4., for which he gives Credit, as the only Money received from 
the Pay Master during that time; but on examining into this last 


Sum, it appears that the Pay Master, realy left with the detachment, 
near £400; but that the different Officers, sa) they, Settled their Ac- 
counts with him, and that the other pan o\ the Money, was thc-ii own 
Pay: And it appear'd that, when I had granted the Warrants Eor the 
two Musters, from August 25" 1 to December 24 th /;=,'>, foi then Ef- 
fectives, there would be wanting, to cleai oil Major Craven, the Sum 
of £921.8.4— As I find Captain More, the Pay Master, was appointed 
by the Captains of the Regiment, 1 have ordered them to Pa) Major 
Craven, the Money advanced to them on m\ order, as the) are now 
Paid, the whole of their Pay to the 2./"' of August, by Warrants from 
M r Shirley, and to the 2j"' of December, l>\ me; and I see no oilier 
Course I could take, as the Captains having appointed the Paymaster, 
are answerable for him; and as he is out ol my Power, being a 
Prisoner and gone to England; and as it does not appear to me clearly, 
what Money the Paymaster, did realy advance to that detachment. 

There are other difficulties still; M r Shirley, before he went away, 
lodged Money in M r Apthorp's hands, who writ to a Banker in New 
York, to Acquaint him M r Shirley had done so; and desired him, to 
Negociate the Bills Captain Jocelyn might draw on him, for the Sub- 
sistence of the 5c/ 7 ' Regiment, on a Letter of Credit he enclosed, to be 
forwarded to the Captain. This M r Bayard Acquainted me of, when I 
was at Fort Edxcard; I immediately writ to him. that the Subsistence 
of that Regiment, must be drawn by Warrant from me, on the deputy 
Pay Master, as I was directed by my Instructions: And since I come 
down, I find that Credit amounts to Three thousand One hundred 
and Fifty Pounds, which Sum it seems, M r Shirley did propose to 
have paid, into the hands of M r Mortier, the deputy Pay Master, and 
to have withdrawn Warrants of his, to that amount; which M r Mor- 
tier accmainted him he could not give up, as part of them were gone 
home, and the Pay Office had notice from him, of his having Paid all 
the others. I see, they hope to get M T Apthorp, at Boston, to advance 
this Money to them, from that fund; but I shall give no order upon 
it, till I am better informed about it. 

I send Your Royal Highness, enclosed, a very extraordinary Ac- 
count, with as extraordinary a docket; the Original of which, is now 
in the Pay Office in London, sent over annexed to a Warrant of his. 

This seems to me, to be intended, to cover the disposal of the Levy- 
Money of the Regiment; as it appears by the Article of Twenty thous- 
and dollars, paid to Lieutenant Bartman, who declares, that neither 
he, nor any of the Officers, were sent out a recruiting that War. but 
Lieutenant Irwin, who did not get a Man: And further, that he re- 


ceived that Money on the Warrant, and instantly paid it over to 
M r Shirley, and shew'd me M r Shirley's receipt for it, in his own hand 
writing, of which you have a Copy enclosed; those Sundries, for the 
Niagara Expedition, and the others, I suppose are of the same nature; 
And I imagine, Your Royal Highness will think the Articles charged 
to the Regiment, are as odd, for Barracks, Bedding, Barrack Utensils, 
Ground to encamp on, Provisions, &:ce, which I think do not come 
out of the Regiments Subsistence. 

I cannot, with absolute certainty, tell Your Royal Highness the 
method, in which this Regiment was raised; but so far as I can collect 
from the Officers, it was raised in this manner: M r Shirley had blank 
Commissions sent him, which he gave to People of this Country, on 
Condition of raising so many Men each; but the main of them were 
got by Letters, writ to all the Colonels of the Militia, to Enlist out of 
their Regiments, as many Men as they could, the Allowance for which, 
was, for a Man for two Years, One Pound; for a Man that Enlisted for 
three years, Thirty Shillings; for a Man that enlisted for five years, or 
for Life, Five Pounds; And the whole of the managing this, and of 
making up of the Accounts, was committed to the Generals son Cap- 
tain Shirley, and his Son in Law, M r Hutchinson, the Judge; And I see 
no reason to believe, that any Officer of the Regiment, ever saw the 
recruiting Account, or in what manner the Levy Money, or non 
Effective Money, were disposed of; And the Pay Masters here, have 
never given any Officer of either of those Regiments, an Abstract of 
their Companies, they having always paid them to Account. 

So far as I can see, the non Effective Fund of the 50 th Regiment, to 
Christmas, is £1878.4.6; And the 51 st Regiment, at the 24 th of August 
last, had £7978.3. As I have had no demand from them for Pay, Major 
Craven having still sufficient for that purpose, I have not calculated 
their's any further than August. 

But when those Articles are taken from the Account of the Sub- 
sistence of the 50 th Regiment, which have no connection Avith it, the 
non effective fund will be greatly encreased. 

And that, when the fictitious Articles are taken from the Account of 
raising the Regiment, and the real Articles charged in their Place, 
M r Shirley will have much less Money in his Pocket. 

There is one word in the Docket, which I must explain to Your 
Royal Highness, which is where he mentions four pence half penny 
a Mess; here it does not mean five or Six Men, but to each Man, four 
pence half penny for his breakfast; as much for his dinner, and as 
much for his Supper; making thirteen pence half penny, for the 


Maintenance of each Man per day: And I am led to understand it thus, 
from an Act of the Boston Assembly this Year, In which they Order 

their Troops to be maintained at the I louses, as they return home, 
at this rate; And in their Account they have given us, of their Ex- 
pences for this Campaign, they charge one shilling 8c Six pence, their 
Currency, a day, for the Maintenance of each Man, on theii March, 
till they arrive at Albany, where they had Provisions; which is just 
thirteen pence half penny Sterling; And their Men will eat three good 
Meals a day. 

I shall inform myself, at Boston, of what barrack bedding and Uten- 
cils were provided, as none have been delivered to me; And I am told, 
that there were few Provided, and those at the Expence of the Pro\ ince: 
The reason of few being wanted, was, that all the Men they dared 
trust, had furloughs to go into the Country, till they were to March 
to Oswego, except a few, they were afraid would desert. You will be 
surprised when I tell You, that neither of those Regiments ever had a 
field day, till M r Webb Joined the detachment on the Mohawk river; 
I own I am impatient till I know your resolution about them. 

Since I writ my Publick Letter, I have accounts, that we begin 
to get some Men in New England; by the last Accounts we had got 
Seventeen; and now that their Troops are come home, I hope we 
shall go on. 

I must beg leave to Acquaint Your Royal Highness, that Officers, 
that are worn out in any degree, are totaly incapable of Service in 
this Country, where the Operations are in Places, where they cannot 
have any relief, and where the Climats wear that sort of People out 
immediately: And where they arc in high ranks, they are a Clog in 
carrying on the Service in Winter, and are totaly incapable of the 
Service in Summer: Some of the Foreign Officers do not improve the 
Corps, and from what I hear, I shall find more of that sort among 
them, when we meet next Campaign. 

But the Point I am weakest in, is Engineers; M r Montresor, I dart- 
not trust a Siege to; Major Eyres is a very good Man, but will not do 
for a first; Among the Foreigners, there are many nominal ones, bul 
know no more than what they have learnt in a drawing School; the 
only one they look on as an Engineer, is Lieutenant Meyer; they say 
he is fit for great designs, meaning, making a Plan for such, for he has 
never served any where. I have at last got hold of him, and from all I 
can see, he is Slow. I desired a return of what Artillery he thought 
would be necessary to carry to the Field, Supposing we should Attack 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and should be able from there, to 


push down into Canada, either to Montreal or Quebeck; but he could 
not do it, without he knew what the Fortifications of the Place were, 
and what number of Cannon were in it. 

I then put the Question, what Artillery was necessary to carry to the 
Field, with an Army of ten thousand Men, who might have occasion 
to make a Siege, and had the enclosed return: I likewise send Sir John 
S l Clair's return, on this Subject: I imagine Your Royal Highness will 
think the one too high, and the other too low. 

But I hope Your Royal Highness will be of Opinion, that some brass 
24: Pounders are necessary; And that in this Country, where there are 
so many Wooden Houses, and that the name of a bomb frightens every 
body, that some brass Mortars, for thirteen Inch Shells, will be abso- 
lutely necessary; with more Powder and Ball, which the People of this 
Country, make a most intollerable and inconceivable Consumption of. 

The Artillery that comes, must have all their Attirail with them; 
And Sir John S l Clair insists, that the Mortars in the Bombketches, 
should have land Carriages with them, in case they should be more 
usefull a Shore than on board; And we are extremely at a loss for 
Gunners and Bombardiers, and a Man at the Head of the Artillery; 
Captain Broom, at Halifax, I am informed is worn out; Captain 
Ord, the Commanding Officer with me, is very Industrious, but has no 
execution; I have kept Lieu 1 Buchanan, because he and M c Leod, are 
all I have to trust to: there are several Younger one's that will do in 
time, and there is one M c Cullogh, who was a good Man, but ever since 
he was Wounded at the Monongahela, has been at times disordered in 
his Judgment; I am to allow him to go home, for the recovery of his 
health. I imagine I have some good Gunners among the Foreign Of- 
ficers, and I am training as many Men in the Battalion as I can. 

If it were possible, to get M r M c Kellar Exchanged, I imagine he is 
better than any of them; and his having been through all those Places, 
would be a great advantage to the Service. 

As Our Recruits come in very Slow now, I cannot Answer for com- 
pleating the Troops here, tho' I would still gladly hope to do it; I 
may meet with blame, for not giving more Levy Money, but I do not 
find, that those that are enclined to List, part with us on that Ac- 
count, which is the reason I do not augment it, as I would not raise the 
Price of Recruits, that must be wanted hereafter; whenever it ap- 
pears necessary, I will Augment it directly, and in the Americans we 
are very able to do it. 

But this scarcity of Men, with the want of the 50 th & 5/^ Regiments, 
with the prospect, of a great many of the recruits we get, coming late, 

PLAN FOR 1757 279 

obliges me to suggest to Your Royal Highness, thai il an\ Battalions 
can be spared, they will be very necessary, to ascertain You Success 

here; And if that is done, I should hope youi K ,(il1 wul k '" North 
America is over; not only with the French, but with the Indians like- 

As I do not imagine, You will draw any Forces from Nova Scotia, 
whilst the French are strong at Cape Bretton, and constant supplies 
going there from Europe; and the Plan remains, of driving the- In- 
dians & French Neutrals from .S 7 Johns; I should hope you would Par« 
don me, if I should throw out, that four Battalions would be necessary, 
as they would be only two more, than were destined for this Service; 
for I do not reckon either the 50 th or 5/', any part of our Strength for 
this Year. In the 50 th we have but Six Officers, and part of them not 
able to serve. 

Next, I must beg leave to mention, that if the Fleet is not sufficient, 
or comes too late, both which things will happen, except Your Royal 
Highness interposes, the whole Plan will be in danger of miscarry- 
ing; besides this Country being ravaged whilst we are gone. 

My Plan for the Provincial Troops, is not to lake many of them, 
and if I can manage that Point, so as to have all those from New Eng- 
land as Rangers, and to send them into the Enemy's Country, by Num- 
ber j, where I will erect a Magazine for them, and send them into the 
Enemy's Country, by Otter Creek, and the lower end of Lake Cham- 
plain, to make all the disturbance in their Power; and if they can 
break up the Settlements on this side the River, and drive in the In- 
habitants, they will distress them greatly in their Provisions; when 
we arrive before Quebeck, we can Transport them over, and when 
their business is done on this side, turn them loose on the other; by 
which means, no Enemy can move towards us; but we must have early 
notice of it, and be able to harrass them on their March. 

The number I propose to ask from the four New England Govern- 
ments, is four thousand, all Rangers, without any of their Generals; 
but I would compound for two thousand, if it would not prevent my 
having difficulties here, and in the Jerseys, to get Men to defend the 
Forts whilst we are gone; but this will be a difficult point to carry, for 
from all I have yet seen, most of the Expeditions they have engaged 
in, has been principal}', on Account of the Generals who were to Com- 
mand them: how I shall be able to manage this, with M r Shirleys partv 
to oppose me, you shall know from Boston. 

You see that, from what I have said of my Plan, I take it for granted. 
at a Peace, you will give up the river S' Laurence, if we arc so happy, 


as to be able to take it; but if you should not, you can have very little 
dependence on the present Inhabitants. 

The Men from this Province, and the Jerseys, I propose to employ 
on this side, by the Forts, to keep the Garrisons at Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point in Awe, and prevent the Enemy from drawing any force 
from them. 

I have not yet fixed in my own mind, what Troops I will leave in 
the Forts; whether Battalions or Companies from these go with Us; 
that I shall determine, when I see how the Regiments turn out. 

Whilst I am on the Subject of Forts, it is absolutely necessary that 
there should be a large scope of Ground reserved to the King, round 
every Fort he has, to supply timber for repairing them, and Wood for 
firing; at present, he has not one bit of ground any where, for they 
pretend even at Forts Edward and William Henry, that the Ground is 
Patterned; but I believe the Claimants have no manner of right: When 
any Act of Parliament is passed, in relation to this Country, I hope 
this will be remembered. 

I have hitherto, forgot to Acquaint Your Royal Highness, that the 
Small Pox is Spread over, I think, the whole of this Country, except 
New England, from where I have not heard of it yet: It is at Albany, 
It is here, and it is at Philadelphia, and among the Six Nations; they 
got it from the French, at Niagara; and the French in Canada, had it 
all last Year; when it first broke out, it made a very great Alarm in the 
Country, but now that is over, except among the New England Men. 
Some of the Troops have had it, but as the kind is good, we have lost 
very few; I am preparing, to Innoculate such as have not had it, & are 
willing to undergo the Opperation; in order to prevent their falling 
down during the Campaign. 

I am, Sir, Your Royal Highness most Duttifull and most Obedeent 
New York 26 th December. 


[Endorsed] Letter begun at Albany, N:A: November 22: concluded at New- 
York December 26: 1756. Lord Loudoun to H:R:H: inclosing 22: 



List of Commissions Given by His Excellency the 

Earl of Loudoun, in the Following 

Regiments Viz" ' 


Officers Names 

Dates of theii Com- 


John Cockburn 

55th Regiment. 

lifi"' Novem* 

was gd Elesi Ensign in 
the 11" 1 Regl a very 
good OffieT Putt in to 
Improve the Regt fitt 
for an Adjutant 

Matthew Fleeming 27th ditto \n Oilier formerl) in 

the Service Strongly 

fames Sinclair 28** ditto Had a Commission 

given him hear h\ Sir 
John St Clares Rec- 
omendation and altho 
he sett out from Bi iton 
as Soon as he reccved 
the account of it found 
on his Arival that Sir 
John had growen Im- 
patient and got him 
Supperseeded Since 
Provided for and now 
Promotted is very Dil- 


James Field 29 th ditto Recomended by Mr 

.Thomas Cumberford .. 15th December 


Charles Port is 1st ditto 

Eldest Ensign form- 
erly a Quartermaster 
of Dragoons 
Quartermaster to the 

42^ Regiment 

Lieut fames Campbell 14 th Dccctnr 1756 Eldest Ensigne in the 


Ensign James Mackintosh 15th ditto Volunteer in the Regt 

very uesfull in Recrut- 
ing last Spring 

1 Neither the 1757 or the 1 75S edition of the printed Army Lists incorporate 
Loudoun's promotions. The 1 759 list for the first time brings the regimental fists ol 
officers serving in North America up to date. John Cockhurn. for instance, the first 
name below, continues to be ranked as the eldest ensign in the 44th regiment until 
the 1759 list, when he is gazetted as a lieutenant in the 55th regiment as of November 
26, 17^6. But the 1759 list records names as of December. 1758, with a few exceptions 
running into the early months of 1759, so thai ii is useless as an authoritative record 
of prior promotions. The notes are in Loudoun's handwriting. 





Officers Names 

Primrose Kennedy 

Dates of their Com- 

44 th Regiment 
25111 Octobr 



-Andrew Watson 26th November 

45th Regiment. 
James Ormsby 30th Novemr 17 

John Mckane 2<i December. 

Son to the Elest Capt 
over whom Major Eyre 
was Prommotted he 
was bread to the Sea 
and now has the care 
of the Vessals on lake 

nephew to Major Gen: 
Abercromby Removed 
on his Desier from the 
62<i Regt 

Removed from the 
47th to the 45th Regt 
His Commission from 
Mr Shirly in the 47th 
is Dated June 24 th 
after he was Supper- 
seeded on the Spot 
Formerly in the Horse 
brought over and Rec- 
omended by Mr Webb 


Milborne West 

47th Regiment 
28th Novemr 



Garnett Ewer 5 th December 

48th Regiment. 
John Crofton 241'' October r 

Charles Davers 26th ditto 


John Hedges 29 

th November 

Caryed Amies with 
M G Braddock and 
wonded on the Monen- 
galea had a Commis- 
sion from Mr Shirly 
after he was on the 
Spot Supperseeded 

which I could not al- 
low but have Provided 
for him now 
Recomended by Ld 
Geo: Sackvile 

Removed from the 62<J 
in which Regt he was 
Proveded on the Rec- 
omendation of Mr 
Webb to whoes care he 
is Committed 
Recomended by the 
Duke of Grafton 
Recomended by the 
Duke of Marlborough 


*8 3 



Officers Names 

John Ogilvic 

Dales of their Com- 

f>2 ( i Regiment, 

i st Septembei 17-.1i 

Lieutenant Brcreton Poynton 30 th ditto 

Lieutenants * 

James Allen I s * Decern' 1756 

Thomas Barnslcy 2<i ditto. 

[George] Mackintosh ... 3d ditto. 

Thomas Campbell }th ditto 

Ralph Phillips r,th ditto. 

Samuel Mackay 6th ditto. 

Francis Mackav 7th ditto. 

George Archbold 8th ditto. 

James Monro 9 th ditto. 

William Ridge 10th ditto. 

William Hay nth ditto. 

Alexander Shaw 12th ditto. 

Thomas Meredith 13 th ditto. 

[John] Parker 16th ditto. 

[Henry] Babcock 17th Dcccmbr 17; a \<in Small I i\ 

ing he. 11 is one ol I he 

musionarya to the In 
ili-. ins Prea< hea to them 
in there owen I an 
guegh mid vei j uesfull 
among the Mowhaka 
Recomended by Sii 
Willi. mi [ohnson 
This Ensigne and the 
thirteen thai follow 
were the Eldest in the 
Regt there are no En- 
signes in this Servcc 
above a Month older 
than them tho there 
Commissions are Dated 
in June as they are all 
granted by Mi Shirl) 
who did not Recevc the 
Power of giving Com- 
missions till the end of 
Nov in which case I 
thought it would have 
been hard to have 
brought Strangers over 
them by which the Ser- 
vie would not have 
been benifitted 

Those above this have 
all Served but the El- 
dest who was a Cornet 

A Capt in the New Jer- 
sey Regt and now com- 
mands them was in the 
Kings Servie and with 
Admiral Boscawcn in 
the Fast Indies 
Major to the Road Is- 
land Regt uesfull to 
me in breaking the 
Consent of the General 
and Field offcen in 
the Provenccals when 
they would not Sub- 
mitt to be under my 





Officers Names 


Dates of their Com- 

62<i Regiment 
18th ditto. 


'Alexander Stephens 

27 th Novem* 

Thomas Vinter 3d December 

Archibald Blane 4^ ditto. 

Donald Campbell 6th ditto. 

William Ramsay 7th ditto. 

John Wilson 8tu ditto 

a German has been em- 
ployed in the Proven- 
ceal Troops and among 
the Indeans with Sir 
William Johnson who 
I think will be uesfull 
to me on many occa- 

Vollunteer with Gen- 
eral Bradock wounded 
on the Monongahela 
Mr Shirly gave him a 
Commission in Nova 
Scotia to be Ensigne 
when the Company 
was Sold in England 
and after attending 
his Duty about Six 
Monthes the Ensigne 
Mr Pritchard arived 
with the Kings Com- 

Recomended by Sir 
Charles Hardy 
A Relation of Mine 
from the Shire of Air 
Recomended by great 
Numbers of People in 
this Provene His Fa- 
ther came hear and 
Made a Bargine for 
Land on the Fronteer 
with the Governor Re- 
turned and brought 
over a great number of 
People to Settle them 
and £4000 in money 
the Governor brooke 
the bargen and he 
and those People were 
Ruined - 

Vollunteer from the 
Shire of Air 
Son of the Chief Jus- 
tice of St Chrestophers 
his Recomendation to 
me not yet arived from 
England but as he has 
been the first man to 
Sett an Example to the 
men in Daily Duty I 
thought him a Propper 
man to Prefer 

2 A memorial of Campbell on this subject is in N. Y. Col. Docs., VII, 629-631 



Officers Names Dates of their Com- 


G2'i Regiraenl 
Alexander Baillie 9 th December 1756 Recomended i«» me by 

Lad) Man 

Simon Fraser io"' ditto. V Relation of M G Ab 

ercromby recomeded 

by him 

Lauchlan Forbes nth ditto. Recomended in it: 

(.: Bland 

Thomas I'inckney 12th ditto. son to the rresorei ol 

South Carolena Rec- 
omeded to me in Lon- 
don in the People ol 
thai Province 

William Broun 13th ditto. Mas lived several years 

in this Counti \ Ret 
omended l>\ si 1 Rich- 
ard Grosvener 

John Mackie 14th ditto Nephew to Mr Mackie 

and Majoi Voung 

Charles Williamos 16th ditto Recomended In Mi 

Points is liom S\ isci - 

land a very Pretty 
young Man 

Alexander Shaw 17"' ditto Recomended l>\ Ld 

Cathcart and Mi Os- 

Henry Stratford iSti' ditto Recomended by Sir 

Charles Hood 

Isaac Motte 19 th ditto Of this Country Rec- 

omended by the Mai 
quis of Winchester 
Thos that had not 
Served till this Cam- 
paen Draw for there 

New York Independt Company 
Commanded by Captain Marshall. 

William- Gullen 85 th Novem* 1756 He was Sargenl Major 

to the Royal brought 
oyer by M (. Aber- 
cromby anil put in 
hear that there may he- 
one Oilier in the Com- 
pany that can Disiplin 
the Men 

Depy Commissary of Musters. 
John Billings 10th Sepiemr 1756 

He had a Deputation 
and Instructions from 
Mr Pritchard Muster 
Master on Mr Pritch- 
aids 1 evy taken in Os- 
wago I ga\e him a 
Commission on the 
hake of that Deputa- 




Officers Names 

Dates of their Com- 



Staff Officers 

{Lieu 1 Francis Pringle . . . J 
Lieut Donald Campbell . Ii8th August 1756 
Lieut Joseph Ray J 

f Lieut James Dalyell "1 

■< Ensign James Allen L8th August 1756 

( Ensign Thorns Barnsley . J 

tion to Act in the 
Mean time Since that 
I have a letter from 
Mr Pritchard desiring 
me to appoint a Dep- 
uty to him with in- 

The Commissions to 
the Lt and Ensignes I 
have begone to Date 
from the 25* of Nov 
that they may not en- 
terfear with thos given 
by the King 
The Adjutants and 
Quarter Masters I have 
Dated from the time I 
appointed them to Act 
in Order to trie if they 
were Propper for those 
Commissions as those 
are Commissions give 
no Rank so will not 
Enterfear with the 
Kings Commessions 

Royal Regiment of Artillery 

Lieut John Mean 1st October 1756 Recomended by Capt 

Fireworker. Ord 

[Enclosure No. 5 in Loudoun to Cumberland, Nov. 22-Dec. 26, 1756.] 

Information of Captain John Vicars of the 50™ 

Regiment Commanded by Major General 

William Shirley 1 


Having Obtain'd a Commission in the 50 th Regiment, I came in the 
Transports that were sent out with the Troops, on Major General 
Braddocks Expedition, and went with them to Virginia, and from 
thence went round to Boston where I. landed April 7 th 1755. 

When I arrived, their were about 300 men of the Regiment in Castle 
William, who I imagine were men, they were affraid would desert, they 
were in Barracks in the Fort, 

1 This document was dictated by Vickers to Loudoun, in answer to the latter 's 


some time after my arrival we Encamp'd and the other men of the 
Regiment were Call'd in. 

When we march'd from thence for Oswego we were about 800, the 
Regiment never was Compleat, 

I know nothing of the Expence oi the Recruits, as I never was em- 
ployed in Recruiting, nor ever saw any Account of it, Before the Regi- 
ment left the Island where they were Encamp'd, Judge Hutchenson 
Major General Shirleys Son in Law, came to Gamp and pay'd of what 
demands the men had to a Certain day, but I have forgot to what clay 
it was, from that day, the Officers had the paying of the men, I was by 
when the Judge payed my Company, and saw him paying the other 

In the End of July or begihing of August 1755, I commanded the 
Escort that Major General Shirley took with him from Albany to Os- 
wego where I remain'd till the 3 d of July 1756. 

The Escort Consisted of 80 men of the 50 th and 70 men of the 51 st 
Captain Delancey Commanded them 

I know nothing of the Number of Battoes that were up with us but 
that I had 8 for my detachment, 

I recolect no want of Provisions on the march up, but think we were 
short in provisions the Latter end of the time M r Shirley was at Oswego. 

I know nothing of what Provisions they were we had at Oswego, 
whither they were those Provided by Major General Shirley, or those 
Provided by the Province of New York for the Independent Com- 

I know we were short of Provisions soon after the General Left Os- 
wego, and had the poor fellows Lived they must have Eat one another 

That General Shirley gave furloughs to a Great many men before 
he left Oswego, and that Lieutenant Colonel Mercer was forced to give 
a great many afterwards to save the Provisions, that I believe their 
were about 300 men on Furlough from the two Regiments 

I was a Member of Several Councils of War in which we met to 
deliberate whither we should Abandon the Place on Account of the 
Want of Provisions, in one of Which it was agreed if no supply ar- 
rived in ten clays we should Abandon the Garrison, and retire to the 
German Flatts, but in Five clays after there arrived Four Battoes with 

I know Lieutenant Colonel Mercer writ after to show the State of 
the Garrison & to desire to have Provisions and a Reinforcement of 
Men as he Expected to be Attack'd 

I am sure Colonel Mercer never writ a Letter in which he said the 


Garrison never was in Want of Provisions, for he was too honest a 
Man to write what every man in the Garrison could Contradict 

When General Shirley left Oswego, my Company Consisted of 50 
men, that before may their were 39 of them dead, and one taken 
Prisoner, I think each of the 8 Comp ys at Oswego lost above 30 men. 

I am of Opinion this mortality was owing to bad Barracks and want 
of Beds, which threw the men in to Scurveys, and the Water which 
gave them Fluxes 

There were no Barracks in the Fort of Oswego, only a Guard Room, 
and one Room for the Commanding Officer, all the Garrison Lay with- 
out the Forts, where there were two Shingled Houses in the one of 
which Lieutenant Colonel Littlehales lived, in the other Captain More 
the Paymaster Lived whilst he stayed, when he went away, two Lieu- 
tenants of the Ships got it, there was a Barrack of three Rooms in which 
there was two Tire of Bed steeds but no Beding, as the Barrack was 
made of Green Boards, they all Split, and the Snow drove in Con- 
stantly on the men, the rest lived in Bark Hutts, and Lay on the 
Ground all Winter, The two Shingl'd Houses of two small Rooms 
each & all the Hutts belonged to the Indean Traders and Suttlers 

The Recruits that came up this Year were very bad, a great many 
of them spoke French and were the people that Inveig'led the men to 
desert, one dutch man in the Train Carried off 3 men. 

When I left Oswego the Garrison were pretty healthy as it Consisted 
mostly of Recruits Just come up, the men that Compos'd the Garrison 
in the Winter being mostly dead. 

In January we were inform 'd by the Indeans, that we were to be 
Attack'd the Garrison was then so Weak, that the strongest Guard we 
proposed to mount, was a Subaltern and 20 men, but we were Seldom 
able to mount more than 16 or 18 men, and half of those were forced 
to have Sticks in their hands to support them, the men were so weak 
that the Senterys often fell down on their Posts, and Lay there till the 
Relief came and lifted them up— 

That two or three times when we expected to be Attack'd in the 
Night the Carpenters mounted Guard 

Before the Recruits arrived my Comp y was only ten men, the other 
Companys were Little Stronger 

The Lieutenant Colonels Company was with Lieutenant Bull at the 
great carrying place, where they were all either killd or taken, when 
that Fort was Burnt, the Granadiers went down the Country with 
Major General Shirley and I met them going up when I came down 

The Regiment was paid at Schenectada in their way up in the end 


of July or beginning of August 1755, to the 24 th of October, that the 
Paymaster Left at Oswego some money in the hands of Lieutenant Car- 
den— who gave some money to Officers that Wanted but I do not know 
to what Extent, I received 200 dollars of my own Personal pay, but 
none for the men, as none of the Regiment were payed up farther then 
the 24 tL of Oct* 1755, till Captain Moore the Paymaster arrived at 
Oswego Four days before 1 left it, when I received Bills from him for 
8 months personal pay up to the 24 th of August 1756. But there was 
little due to them when I came away, as we had Supplied them with 
Chocolate, Tea, Sugar, Coffee, shirts, shoes, and Stockings, we carried 
up of those some things to supply them with, but the main of them 
were supplied by M r Alexander the Cencrals Secretary, who carryed 
up a great Quantity of Goods from Boston, & deliver'd them over to 
each Corps, I think those Goods of M r Alexanders, went up with the 
Regim ts . 

I suppose the Paymaster payed him for them, but I do not know 
the price as I never Received an Abstract 

When those were Expended, we bought the Goods from M r Lewis 
the Commissary for ready money, who I heard was M r Alexanders 
Partner, I do not Recollect the prices, but I know we bought Breeches 
for Fourteen Shillings Currency, or eight shillings & two pence Sterling, 
we took so much Care to Supply the men, that Several of my Comp> 
died in my debt— 

The Recruits that came up Grumbled for want of their pay, and I 
have been told that Several of the deserters that were taken at their 
Tryal plead that as they neither Received their pay nor Sufficient Pro- 
visions they went away to prevent their Starving 

Fort Ontario was a Good place against Indeans, the Barracks were 
better than those at Oswego, by which Sir W m Pepperrells Regiment 
lost fewer men than the 50 th at Oswego, but the Barracks were Built so 
near the Stockead's they could make no defence, behin'd them, there 
was a Stage made Round near the tops of the Stockad's where the Can- 
non were Placed, as I was in a Bad State of health, I never was in it 
after the Barracks were Finished. 

There were no Works in Oswego Toward the Attack where Cannon 
could be used but from the Old Stone Trading House where they 
formerly had two Cannon, But the Firing them on the Rejoicing days, 
shook the Wall so much that Several Stones fell out of the Wall for 
which they were oblig'd to remove them 

The Fort call'd new Oswego or Fort Rascal never was finished and 
there were no Loop holes in the Stockad's so that they could not Fire 


out of the Fort but by opening the Gate and Firing out of that 
There was a kind of a ditch about half way Round it which was 
made by taking out some Earth to fix the Stockad's. 

John Vickers 

[Enclosure No. 1 in Loudoun to Cumberland, Jan. 6, 1757. 

Loudoun to Cumberland 


New York 5 th January 1757 

I have received M r Fox's Letter, Acquainting me, with Major Gen- 
eral O'Farrell's Regiment, and the twenty-four additional Companies 
from Ireland, being ordered here. I shall immediately compleat Major 
General O'Farrells Regiment, out of the additional Companies. 

As to the Troops in Nova Scotia, I have reason to believe; by their 
returns, dated October i st , they wanted to the Establishment, four hun- 
dred and two, which according to Your Royal Highness liberty to us 
in Flanders, is in reality, no more than tivo hundred Eighty two. from 
Col 1 Monckton, I am informed, of Sixty Men Joined that Regiment, 
and forty Recruits on their March to it, after that return was made up: 
And I know there are a great many Recruits gone from this Country, 
to the other two Regiments, but have received no returns of their 
Numbers; tho' I think they must be fully compleated. 

But by Enquiring of Captain Cotterel, who is here, for the recovery 
of his Health, having lost the use of his hands, by the dry belly-Ache, 
which is a West. India Disease, I find they are Subject to in Nova Sco- 
tia; he acquaints me, that when the Regiments were low in Num- 
bers, they had Enlisted a good many French, that were Prisoners, 
about two himdred, who not answering as Soldiers with us, they were 
determined to deliver back as Prisoners; on which, I propose to re- 
serve three hundred Men of the Additional Companies, for those 
Nova Scotia Battalions, and to send them there, as soon as the Season 
will permit; and in the mean time shall put them in Quarters, the most 
convenient for that purpose. As to the remainder of the Additional 
Companies, I have not quite fixed what I shall do with them, till I see 
them; What Serjeants, Corporals, Drums and Old Men, they have, I 
shall put into the Americans, as they are more wanted there, than in 
the other Corps: As to the new raised Men in those Companies, of 


which I suppose, the greatest Number must consist; I at first proposed, 
out of them, to have compleated, the ?5 ,h the ././"' and the 48 th Regi- 
ments, as they could presently have disciplined them, and as it would 
have taken their recruiting Officers, out of the way, of crowding our 

Recruiting Quarters. 

But on the other hand, when I consider, that there is a great doubt, 
of our being able to compleat the four Battalions of the Royal Ameri- 
cans, in time for the Field; and the little time there will be, for dis- 
ciplining the Recruits that we get, just before we take the Field; and 
the Inconvenience of having Battalions in the Field, of very unecjual 
Numbers; I believe I shall put the whole of them, into the Royal Ameri- 
cans: but I will see them, before I determine any thing certainly. 

There is another reason, that I believe must determine me, to put 
them into the Americans; and I think it necessary to mention it to 
Your Royal Highness, as I may meet with blame from some People, if 
they think I have taken from Nova Scotia one Man, that they imagine 
might have been there. 

I know nothing of the Numbers, Major General O'Farrells Regi- 
ment, or the additional Companies, consist of, or when they come on 
this Establishment, but from the words of M r Fox's Letter, of October 
2 J ; in which he says, speaking of those Troops, now Embarked at Cork, 
I presume they come on this Establishment in September, for Ireland 
will Pay them no longer, than they are with them. 

As the Regiments in Norm Scotia, have not yet sent me an Account 
of their non-effective Fund, I do not know what that is, or whether 
they could out of that, Pay the Money ordered to be Paid to the Regi- 
ments they come from; but Your Royal Highness will plainly see, by 
the returns of the I st of October, when they wanted realy, but two hun- 
dred Eighty two Men on the Spot, and had at that time a great num- 
ber of Recruits in this Country, so that whatever Vacancies they may 
have, by Men discharged since, they have not Money to Pay those 
Men, from any time in September, nor can the ./-/ th nor jS th afford it, 
out of their non-effective Funds; And the Royal Americans, have 
Money enough for the purpose. 

Your Royal Highness will be surprised, to find no returns for De- 
cember; the reason is, we are so dispersed, (that I have not been able 
to collect them,) as You will see, from the Account I have given you 
of their Quarters. There is no returns from the Royal Americans; this 
is occasioned, from their having blundered in making them, so that I 
cannot set it right, till I have their Answers: They left out of their 
returns, the Highlanders that we Pay; the People belonging to Colonel 



Prevost, that were taken in their Passage, who whilst they are Prison- 
ers, I imagine must remain on our Returns; And they have even left 
out, some of the Recruiting Parties, that were delivered over to the 
different Battalions, when they were divided: but as near as I can in- 
form Your Royal Highness, they are about Eigliteen hundred Men, at 
present, without including the Virginia and North Carolina Recruits, 
of which I have no Account. 

January 6 th . Colonel Rollo arrived in one of the Transports, 
which Sailed from Cork November 6 th , and parted from the Fleet on 
the i 8 th , in a Gale of Wind; they have on board, One hundred and 
Seventy Eight Men, composed, of one Company of the Regiment, and 
part of the Drafts; by him I understand, Your Royal Highness has 
eased me of the trouble, of disposing of the Serjeants and Corporals 
of the Additional, who would have been extremely usefull here, if 
they could have been spared; for there is the 50 th and 57 s1 Regiments, 
have not one that deserves the name; and I can say very little more, 
for the four Battalions of the Royal Americans; for very few of the 
foreigners, we have got in that Station, are good for any thing. 

By the Account I hear, of the manner of Drafting those Men, which 
was, that most Regiments threw the twelve Companies into one body, 
and compleated the ten Companies out of that, and then sent us what 
were left; I do not doubt, we have got the whole Vices of the Irish 
Army; those I shall endeavour to reform; but I am afraid, we have 
likewise got the whole Diseases. I shall have every Man examined, 
and if I find, there are any considerable number unfitt for Service, I 
hope You will not think me in the wrong, if I return them to their 
own Corps, as Invalids are totaly useless here; as with all the care we 
can take, we shall find Men enough in the Corps here, for the Garisons 
during the Campaign, that are not able, to undergo the fatigue of a 
Campaign in the Field, in this Country. 

I am likewise informed, that there was a very great Desertion, dur- 
ing the time of the Muster, the day they embarked; So that when I 
have compleated Major General O'Farrells Regiment, and set aside 
three hundred Men, for the Regiments in Nova Scotia, I shall have 
about four hundred Men remaining, who I shall put in the Royal 

Colonel Prevost , hath the returns of those Companies, who is not yet 
arrived; when he comes, and I receive my Letters, I shall send Your 
Royal Highness a return of them, and an Account of what they are. 

I shall leave, in Writing, my Orders, for the division of those Com- 
panies, to make it as equal as I can; but I have many People, I can- 

WEBB 293 

not depend on their executing in a fortnight, what another Man might 
do in two Hours; if M r Webb is recovered, it will be well done; but if 
he is not, my friend Colonel Dusseaux will Plague their hearts out; for 
he does so much, that he never executes any thing: the Officers of his 
Battalion, are far from happy; And the Adjutant, who came from 
Colonel Leighton's Regiment, one Allen, who is a very good and dili- 
gent one, I believe will throw up his Adjutantcy; for, before he can 
execute, one half of one Order, he has another Order, and so on, with 
infinite abuse. It is my Duty, to let Your Royal Highness know the 
truth in every case, but I do beg, you will not mention this from 
me, as you know, where it would hurl me greatly. 

I mentioned M' Webb being 111; he was about a fortnight ago, at- 
tacked with a very Slight fit of the Palsy, which did not last a Minute, 
and to another Man, would have been of very little Consequence; but 
all his People have died of that Disease, and he is still low and down, 
and I cannot get his Spirits up; I am very much afraid, he will not 
soon be able to do much business; if that is the case, he will be an 
infinite loss to the Service, for the Country is so immensely wide, we 
must have People we can depend on, in different Places, and hands I 
find great want of; And yet I do not Ask further of your Royal High- 
ness, than to shew you that is the case, and that I am still of the same 
opinion, that any Man that were to come, that did not do us good, 
would do us a great deale of mischief. 

I was this day with Sir Charles Hardy, about Cannori, and I find 
they have no 24. Pounders, but two long Iron ones; They have forty 
Six 32. Pounders; bad long Guns, ill fortified; Of 18. Pounders they 
have Sixteen; but not a Gun in this Country, has a Carriage can be 
trusted to, indeed they are in general, totaly Rotten; nor is there a bit 
of Wood to make them of, but what is Green. There is very few Can- 
non Ball, for any of the different sorts; they make ball in this Country, 
but what has hitherto been made, is not good; I am endeavouring to 
get some made, and to amend that fault. 

On a full Enquiry, I find almost all the 27 "> in this Country, are 
either at Newfoundland, laying without Carriages or Men to fight 
them; or at Annapolis Royal, where I suppose they are not much bet- 
ter; or at Halifax: there I dare not meddle with them, but the truth 
is, almost the whole Iron Guns in this Country arc Honey Combed 
and rotten; having lain in the Dirt many Years, without the least Care. 
As this is the Case, I shall make all the Preparation in mx Power, but 
do most humbly beg. Your Royal Highness will consider our Situa- 
tion; for I am sure, if you do not Protect & Support us, none else will; 


And if my Plan is approved of, Cannon will be absolutely necessary. 

I set out on the 8 th for Boston; the Moment that Meeting is over, I 
shall have the honor, of Acquainting the Kings Ministers, of what is 
Settled at it. 

I have Sent the Original Papper Signed by Capt Vickars to your 
Royal Highness incase there should be occasion to Produce it 

Since writting the Above I have Disembarked the men who came in 
the Transport and if the others are as good as what are come in this 
they will do very well so I hope the Information does not hold 

Mr Webb has begone to get Spirits again and I now think we Shall 
have the Use of him again I have the Honour to be 

Sir your Royal Highnesses most Dutifull And most Obedeent 
humble Servant 


[Endorsed] New-York; January 5/6 IJ5J- Lord Loudoun, to H:R:H: inclos- 
ing 3. Paper. 

Considerations Offered by [?] upon a Scheme for 

Attacking Louisbourg & Quebec. 1757 ' 


The French, being already possess'd of the Lakes & Rivers at the 
Back of the English Settlements from Quebeck to the Missisippi, can 
easily bring their whole Force to act either offensively or defensively at 
any one Point; and are therefore in no great Danger from any Attack 
from the British Provinces, which cannot be executed but by a March 
by Land thro' desert Countries & dangerous Passes: And if here & there 
some Water Carriage may be had, that is so difficult and dangerous 
that the English Troops may be easily attacked by the French from 
the numberless Posts they are already possess'd of. 

1 This document is in memorandum form. Since it presents a strong argument for 
Loudoun's plan of attacking Quebec directly, it would seem to have emanated from 
some one fully as close to Cumberland as to Pitt, perhaps Fox and perhaps Bedford. 
It is not Pitt's plan, for he on February 4 had sent positive orders to Loudoun to 
attack Louisbourg first, and then Quebec, and had yielded only after a cabinet of 
March 13, in which Cumberland sat, allowed Loudoun to use his discretion as to 
which of the two places should be attacked (Minutes, Mar. 13, 1757, Chatham Papers, 
Vol. 95). 


The Military Situation of France in Europe is such, that, if the Sea 
be left open to her, she may fill that Country with regular Troops, and 
the political Constitution of her Colonies affords them a Militia 
equally good for offence and defence & greatly Superior to that of the 
English, the different Degree of Populousness in the two Countries 
considered.— from these two Circumstances there is the utmost Danger 
to the British Colonies, if France shoud think proper to undertake the 
Risque & Expence of a Conquest; for the Risque and Expence of trans- 
porting Troops & Provisions seem to be at present the only Bar to 
this imminent Peril. 

Should France Even chuse not to risque any farther Expence, she 
is probably in the present Circumstances stronger than the English 
can be without a very extraordinary Exertion of their Strength: for 
Should she chuse to remain upon the defensive merely, possess'd of the 
Posts she now enjoys, she may possibly be able to Suffer the English to 
act offensively by Land, & yet maintain her Posts, & consequently her 
Authority with the Indians, till the English shoud be tired with the 
fruitless Expence, & forced by a Peace to Secure her in the Possession 
of these Encroachments. 


The only Method, by which it seems possible for England to avoid 
so fatal an Event, seems to be that of preventing the French Colonies 
from receiving Supplies of Men, Stores, 8c Provisions by Sea, which are 
absolutely necessary for supporting & maintaining that Body of Troops 
which they employ, Canadian or European, & that Number of Posts 
which they possess in America. 


The doing this by cruising merely has already been tried in a certain 
Degree ineffectually, S: is perhaps to an absolute Degree in the Nature 
of Things, impossible; for so numerous are her Armies in Europe, that 
she may afford to send over Troops at five to one Risque of the Em- 
barkation's Success. And with Respect to Provisions, as the Missisippi 
8c S l Lawrence Rivers must still in a certain Degree be open against 
the most vigilant Cruise, & the Provisions 8: Shipping of England, as 


well as neutral Powers, can always be had with a certain Degree of 
Temptation, it is not perhaps a Paradox to assert that the whole Navy 
of England could not prevent the necessary Supplies, if France should 
determine to have them at Such a Risque. 

It seems therefore. . . . 

Two Ideas naturally occurs on this Subject,— Missisippi & S l Law- 
rence Rivers. With Respect to the first, as it's Entry is narrow & diffi- 
cult, cruising might possibly be employ'd with Effect. As to the last, 
cruising having hitherto proved ineffectual, there seem to be but two 
Supplemental Objects— Viz— the Attacking of Louisburgh or Quebeck, 
but as the first of these is probably as strong to the full & well fortified 
as the last, & consequently woud require as great Force, Expence, & 
Risque, tho' the Consequences woud not be in any Degree so ad- 
vantageous; whereas if the attempt on the last can be supposed to prove 
effectual, it woud necessarily put an End to the War in America, give 
a Secure & lasting Barrier to the British Colonies, by breaking up every 
Post on the Lakes & Rivers, which the French now by usurpation En- 
joy, & enable the English to take Posts of a like Kind in a Territory, 
whereof the Title woud not be disputed with them; and at the Same 
Time probably put an End to the War in Europe, by affording Eng- 
land an opportunity of restoring a proper Equivalent to France for 
the Conquests she has made there, without any Loss either of Interest 
or Reputation: Nothing seems more obvious than that the Preference 
ought to be given to the Attempt upon Quebeck to one on Louisburgh; 
unless it be supposed to be attended with Difficulties unsurmountable. 

The Necessary Requisites for Such an Attempt seem to be; first, a 
considerable Fleet to Secure the Superiority at Sea in those Parts, while 
the Same Superiority is maintain'd in Europe to preserve great Britain 
fe It's Trade from Insult from the Brest & Toulon Squadrons— In this 
there seems to be no unsurmountable Difficulty. 

Secondly a Sufficient Body of regular Troops with a proper Train of 
Artillery for taking & bombarding the Place. The Body of Troops 


raised 8c sent lor this Purpose in iju: consisted of Seven Battallions 
amounting, with Recruits, to 5300: men, together with [ndependant 
Companies from New England amounting to 1500: Men. Such a Num- 
ber now woud probably not be Sufficient, possibly twelve thousand 
woud. The Number of regular Troops in Canada is Supposed to be 
considerable— Six Battallions have been mention'd as having been 
lately Sent over, but the Troops they have there must be distributed 
in a Variety of Posts over a wide Extended Country— The Men by the 
Advantage of Water Carriage might possibly be drawn together upon 
an Alarm, but Stores, Provisions 8c Artillery not so easily— if withdrawn 
from their present Posts, these must be abandon'd. and therefore it 
may be prudent to have a Number of Troops collected together in one 
Body, or seperated into Several, as occasion may require, to take Ad- 
vantage of Such Absence, if Such Posts were broken up or abandon'd 
the Possession of them woud probably be soon Secured by Provincials, 
who woud flock theither on Such Success— 

The River, as is said, is navigable for large Vessells greatly beyond 
Quebeck, & therefore if the Troops from the Out Posts were not as- 
sembled in the Town before the Attempt was made, there woud prob- 
ably be great Difficulty in doing it afterwards; 8c still greater in getting 
together Provisions Stores &c which cannot be convey 'd but by Water. 

The Town, it is said, consists chiefly of Wooden Houses, therefore 
if the Ships can approach it, they might by a Bombardment easily fire 
it, & by that Means be greatly assistant to the Military Force. 

Thirdly, a Sufficient Number of Transports. In this there can be 
no unsurmountable Difficulty. 27 Transports were employ 'd in Sir 
Hovenden Walker's Expedition, containing 7429 Tons, 8c carrying the 
Seven Battallions of 5003 Men— three more Ships of 448 Tons carried 
300 Recruits, there was one Hospital Ship, one for Cloathing. 8c Eight 
for the Artillery R: Provisions. They went first to new England, 8c after- 
wards proceeded to the Gulph of S l Lawrence. The Expedition failed 
for want of proper Pilots, but there was no Complaint made as to the 


Health of the Men from being over crowded, or from any other Cir- 
cumstance relative to the Transportation.— But as it is the opinion of 
many who have been Supposed Judges of such affairs, that for so long 
a Voyage a greater allowance of Tonage ought to be made in Propor- 
tion to the Number of Troops sent than in Sir Hovenden Walker's 
Expedition; that alteration, if thought proper, may be easily made— 
And here it may not be improper to observe that for the Sake of Secrecy 
it might be right to hire the Transports per Month for a certain Time 
without Specefying the Place of their Destination, as has, it is believed 
been generally done, possibly the Same Transports now taken up for 
& employ'd in carrying over his Majesty's Electoral Troops might be 
continued in the Service without giving any Alarm to the Publick— 

Fourthly— a proper Pilotage for carrying the Ships of War & Trans- 
ports up that dangerous River to Quebeck is of absolute Necessity. 
Upon this Rock the Expedition of lyn: split, & probably failed from 
this Circumstance alone, but it is to be hoped that the Want of this 
will prove no unsurmountable Difficulty. We were in Possession of 
Louisburgh for two years of the last War; & we have been Establishing 
the Colony of Nova Scotia ever Since the quitting Possession of it. We 
have had a Naval Force almost constantly employ'd in those Parts, as 
well for maintaining the Exclusive Possession of the Bay of Fundy as 
for Exploring the Gulph &: River of S l Lawrence. A Squadron has been 
kept there for an year & an half past; & possibly we have Pilots for at 
least Part of that Navigation in our own Fleet, but shoud that not be 
the Case, we are Supposed to be possessed of Eight or ten Thousand 
french Seamen, now Prisoners, Many of them taken on Board Ships 
going to, or coming from Quebeck. it will not therefore be difficult to 
pick out from among them with prudent Management a proper Num- 
ber of good Pilots. 


But whether this or any other Plan for the carrying on the War in 
America Shall be adopted, it is highly necessary that it be immediately 
fixed upon, & Such orders given & Such Attention had in Every Branch 
of the publick Service concerned in the Execution of them as that no 
Delays shall happen on any Pretixt whatsoever. 


First Note by Admiral Knowles, 1 Relating to the 

Expedition to North America, 1757 


Mem dm of things to be wrote to Col: Lawrence about 

That it be recommend to Col: Lawrence to find occasion to send a 
of Truce to L[ouisbourgj in the Spring as early as a Vessell can 
pass, with Cap tn Scott of Col: Hopsons Regm* or some other discreet 
Oflicer, as he shall judge most proper who was well acquainted with 
the Garrison, when it was restored to the French, in Order to make 
his Observations what New Works have been errected either at the 
Town, or any other part of the Harbour, particularly at the Light- 
house, or near it, &: if any Battery is errected there whither it be in- 
closed & fortify'd on the back or not, & what additional Number of 
Cannon there may be Mounted at the Town on the side next the Har- 
bour between the Colliers Battery & the West Gate Bastion, & whither 
the Wall from Billings Gate to the Spurr has been heightened or not, 
with the best Account he can gett of the Strength of the Garrison, & 
Number of Inhabitants, and to gain what further intelligence he pos- 
sibly can for the benefit of the Service 

To prepare Gabions Fascines & Picketts, 3 Inch Plank & Joist for 

On Baptist de Yeon, alias Babtist John, an Inhabitant of L when 

it was taken, is supposed now to be a Pilot on board one of the Men 
of Warr at Nova Scotia, to have him detain'd, & other good Pylots 
secured, with as much privacy as possible, 

Col: Lawrence may have a hint to give out these things are provid- 
ing for his own deffence, & that he may expect a Visit from Cape 
Breton in the Spring, or from Quebec, Or to assign such other rea- 
sons as may be judge proper, to disguise these preparations 

Second Note from Admiral Knowles, Relating to 
the Expedition to North America, 1757 
M r Bastide and two Active Engineers under him. 

Of these as many to be got as were at Lfouisbourg] before 

1 Charles Knowles. vice admiral since 1755, had been governor of Louisbourg in 
1746 and governor of Jamaica from 1752 to 1756. In 1757 he participated in the 
expedition to Rochefort. 


A Company of the train of Artillery with an able Conductor & a pro- 
portion of Officers &: Artificers of the Civil Branch of the Ordnance. 

20. 24 Pounders with their Carriages Compleat k some spare & a large 
Proportion of Cartridges, Ball, Grape &c a Wadds or Junk to make 
Wadd, Powder Match, priming Horns Budge Barrells &c a Sliding 
Sledges for transporting the Guns, according to the Model given (will 
require time to make them) 2000 Mens Harness for D° fitted 

Triangles or Gins for Mounting the Guns with Iron pulleys & Brass 
Shives fitted & Spare Cordage for Tackle falls & Harness, ropes for 
transporting the Guns over Rocks & bad Ground and large Crows & 
Handscrews or Jacks for that purpose with store of both Long and 
Short Hand spikes both claw'd & not claw'd 

4. 10 In s Mortars or Howitzs & 6. 8 In s with Shells Carcasses &: Labora- 
tory Stores Compleat 

4 Cohorns or Royals with shells &c a for each Ship 
100 Musquett Mortars & Shells proportionable 

100 Wall pieces & Swivel Guns for the Tops with Grape fitted & some 
Boxes of Hand granades, Pick axes, Mattocks Shovels Spades Whip- 
saws, Cross cut D° Hand D°, Broad Axes, felling Axes Hatches ham- 
mers Mauls Sledges Large & small Iron Wedges of different Sizes. 
Grindstones fitted. Spikes R: Nails of all sorts. 

Miners & Miners Tools. 
Forges for Red Hot Shot with Tongs, Ladles & every other implement 

Smiths with Forges & Tools for their Work and a Quantity of BaiT 
Sc Bolt Iron and Coals. 

100 Ladders, scaling & fix'd 24 feet long 

Wheel Barrows Sc hand Barrows fitted a sufficient Number Ballast 

Basketts &c a 

Wool sacks Blinds & Sand baggs a proper proportion 

Ammunition for the Troops 
Fine Powder in % Barrells 

A Proportional Number of Musquet Cartridges made up & filled & 
spare Reams of Paper for D° the Cartridges to be pack'd up in small 
baggs and all the Sparc Ball likewise 

Plank &: Joist for Platforms for the Batterys 


Tents for the late Additional Lieut'"* to the three Regiments in 
Nova Scotia & tor the Train 

5 or 600 of 10 Gallon baggs or Baroccos [Barricoes] for Water 

Square Musquetts 8c Flints in small baggs 

The Troops to be compleated with Camp necessarys Copper kettles 
with Frying pan Covers. 

Fishing Netts, Hooks ledds R: Lines, to be provided a large Number 
being Absolutely necessary for the Sick as well as a great Refreshment 
to those in health. 

A Commissary of Stores & Provisions, Assistants Clerks &ca. 

A Paymaster of the Troops, Specie for them R: as much as possible 
in Small Coin 

As a Number of Petty Officers & Sailors (good chosen men) will be 
wanted for transporting the Artillery, Provisions, Stores &c a and serv- 
ing in the Batterys to Assist the train in carrying on the Seige for which 
its presumed for w 1 be regularly paid, as likewise any of the Troops 
employ 'd on such like extraordinary Services, Provision must be made 
for paying them Accordingly. 

Sea Bedding to be Provided for the Troops & Train 8e Barrack bed- 
ding to be sent so soon after as the Success is known, Matts shou'd like- 
wise be provided made of Rushes, agreeable to the Pattern, for the 
Men to lay on, in their Tents, there being no Hay, Straw or any other 
thing to preserve them from the Wet Ground, which will prevent Sick- 
ness R: save the Lives of many. 

An Hospital with proper Store of Medicines Attendants &c a must be 
provided, And as some large Tents will be much more convenient as 
well as Commodious for Lodging of the Sick R: Avounded Some half 
worn Sails are recommended to be taken to make them off & Tar- 
pawlins to cover them with all to keep out the Rains & Deals to be 
supply'd for making Cradles, Grotts, Rice, Barley, Vinegar & portable 
Soup, good Store to be provided for the Sick and Hospital bedding 

Blankets or Watch Coats for the Troops and to be order 'd to take 
with them good Store of Shirts Shoes & Stockings. 

Large Brewing Coppers & Wooden Vessell for Brewing Spruce Beer 
for the Troops when Landed, and a Quantity of Ginger is esteem'd 
very wholesome to put in it as a preservative against the Scurvy. And 
during a Siege a small allowance of Rum at the discretion of the Com- 
mander in Cheif will be very necessary, for there will be no kind of re- 
freshment whatsoever to be got till the place is reduced. 

Spare Ammunition to replace what may be expended by the Men of 


That where the Quantitys of any Materials are not express'd, it is 
submitted to be proportion'd according to the Nature of the Service 
intended and the Number of Troops employ'd 

A Proportion of Provisions for the Number of Troops employ'd 
must be sent out with them to last till the End of October before which 
a farther Supply must be laid in, to serve till the end of June 1757 or 
the Garrison may be starv'd the i st Supply must follow so soon as ever 
the news of Success arrives & the 2 d to be sent in the Month of April 
following to last till June 1758. And 3000 Chaldron of Coals sent out 
after us & so continued Yearly till the Colling there is established, & a 
Number of Miners engaged &: sent out for the Working of it 

Memorandum by Colonel Hopson l 


Minits in regard to a Descent proposed to be made upon the Is- 
land of Cape Breton & for Attacking The Garrison of Louisbourg. 

I 757- 

The Number of Troops intended for this Expedition to consist of 
to be assembled at and to be Embark'd at about 

y e day of next, with Camp Necessaries compleat Tents, Pro- 

visions &c a , A Train of Artillery & Ordnance Artificers requisite for this 
Service. Enginiers, with Sufficient Store of Materials of all kinds neces- 
sary for making the Descent & likewise for carrying on a Seige, Such as 
by the List annex'd, & what others may further be demanded by the 
Chief Enginier. 

The Country, round Louisbourg in general consists of Rock & Mo- 
rass, or Bog, & where there is no Morass or Bog, in some few places 
there are small spots of Good Earth, though these are very few indeed, 
The generality of these Spaces being only a mixture of a Rubble Stoney 
kind of Earth, not to be thrown up or moved without great Labour & 
the help of a Pick axe 

It being apprehended that Cabarouce Bay (by sea about 2 or 3 
Leagues to the Westward of Louisbourg, where the New England 

1 Peregrine Thomas Hopson was governor of Louisbourg after Knowles's depar- 
ture in 1747, and governor of Nova Scotia in 1752. In England from 1753 to 1757, he 
accompanied the expedition of 1757 as major general, remained in Halifax during 
the winter, and died during the siege of Cuadaloupe in 1759, in which he com- 
manded the land forces. 


Troops Landed when They made their Descent upon the Island in 
1745) is the place where it is now thought the Troops for this Ex- 
pedition must land, It may be proper here to mention Something by 
way of Description of y c Ground between that & the Garrison of Louis- 
bo urg. 

It is thought that Cabaroucc Bay is about 3 or 4 miles from Louis- 
bourg by Land, the Way some part Rocky, the rest cheifly consisting 
of Deep, Boggy Swampy ground upon an Ascent almost the whole way, 
with several Hauteurs which for y e most part command every thing in 
y e way by which You must advance towards y e Town.— Here, that is, 
upon these swamps, it was, that y e New England Troops met with 
Extreem Difficulties in getting their Heavy Cannon &c a over in order 
to come before the Place to attack it, & it was said that it proved but 
just practicable. 

It is conceived that, before the Troops (after landing in Cabarouce 
Bay) can be in readiness to advance before y e Place, a part of y e Gar- 
rison will be sent out in order to possess the Hauteurs and that they 
will raise several Batteries or Redoutes, which they probably may have 
Sufficient time to put in Execution. In this case The Troops will find 
it exceeding difficult to advance, as they must be obliged to make use 
of their Cannon in approaching, & that under very disadvantageous 
circumstances from the Reverse Situation of y e Enemy, who having no 
reason to be apprehensive of their being cut off from their Retreat, may 
safely dispute the Ground for y e greatest part of y e way from y e place 
of Landing quite to the Garrison, for should they find themselves 
Push'd, & obliged to abandon their most advanced Posts, They may 
easily retire to y e next & so on, whereby the Troops will find themselves 
under the Necessity of Forceing their way, by means of their Artillery, 
even to y e Spot where They must first begin their Attack against the 
Garrison. This it is imagined They will do, even supposing They 
should not get Intelligence of y e intended Descent, for it is conceived 
They would have time enough to Execute the above scheme between 
the time of y° Troops appearing off the Place & that of their being 
ready to Advance towards it after They are Landed, But if They should 
get any Intelligence Previous to y e Arrival of y e Troops They then 
most undoubtedly will execute the Thing, & it is here to be observed, 
That the motions of y e Troops, almost from the Place of Landing, may- 
be observed by y e Garrison. 

There is another thing which certainly They may do, & 'tis Judged 
they will, That is, send round by Sea to y e place proposed for Landing, 
Artillery, & thereby Obstruct the Landing of y e Troops; This They 


may do with the greatest Ease; provided they have only 24 hours no- 
tice of the design against them. 

Supposing all Difficulties got over, 8e, that y e Troops are advanced 
before the Garrison, & one attack is to be made near y e West Gate or 
Else where, as may be judged promising of success, & it should be found 
proper to make another at y e same time from The Rock against the 
Collier's Battery at y e South East part of y e Garrison, in These cases, 
the Difficulties which, it is conceived, may attend each, are. 

Though, before y e West Gate, possibly there may be found Earth 
sufficient for making a Regular Approach for some Small distance, & 
for Raising Batteries against the Place, (meaning Of the Stoney kind 
of Earth among the Rocks, which 'tis doubted whether there is or not 
on the spot) still it is far from being Earth that will be easily thrown 
up to answer that service, but will require great Labour in doing, 
however, allowing there should be, yet the other Attack will be at- 
tended with far greater Difficulty, as There is not any Earth at all 
where it is to be made from, It being an Entire solid Rock only. 

It is presumed it would not be improper that some Officers of His 
Majesty's Navy, such as Admiral Knowles, & Captain James Douglas,- 
who have been upon the Spot, should be ask'd some questions in re- 
gard to Cabarouce Bay, & the Depth of Water in every part of it, 
whereby it may be known of what Draft of Water the Transports 
should be for y e intended Service, How many, or if any of His Majesty's 
Ships can go high enough into y e Bay so as to be near enough to cover 
the Descent of y e Troops, & for other Information in many particulars 
which most probably may prove of the greatest utility to the Expedi- 
tion.— There is likewise a Gentleman, Brigad r Waldo, that was upon 
y e Expedition with y e New England Troops, who, when it shall be 
judged proper that He may be asked some Questions about y e Affair, 
It is thought, will be able to give such Information as will also prove 
very Satisfactory Sc tend extreemly for the Service. 

Further Admiral Knowles, & Captain Douglas, may be asked whether 
The Ships, in y e Winds before mentioned, when They Sett in hard, & 
come suddenly on, can always put to sea from y e Head of y e Bay, or, if 
they cannot do that, whether the whole Fleet of Transports from y e 
place where They must lay, or any great number of Them, can prob- 
ably Ride it out without danger of being ashoar, For should such 
Winds happen after they arrive in y e Bay, before the Troops &c a are 

2 James Douglas was captain of the Mermaid in the 1745 Louisbourg expedition. 
He was at the sieges of Louisbourg and Quebec in 1758 and 1759, and commanded 
at the capture of Dominica in 1762. 


all Landed, & the ships be obliged to put to sea again, or be in danger 
of Driving a shoar by continuing at an Anchor, probably the Expedi- 
tion might Tail of success.— 

'Tis certain S r Peter Warren with the Men of War 8c Transports in 
1745, did lay either in or off y° Bay for a long time, but then it was 
thought a very extraordinary thing that He happen'd to have such 
Favourable Winds as permitted Him to do it. 

It is judged Necessary, both during the Seige, as well as before, 
that a Strong Squadron ol His Majesty's Ships of War (& Those Large 
Ships, in case their might be occasion, dining the Seige, to Endeavour 
to Force y 8 Harbour of Louisbourg) should Cruise as closs in before 
the Place as possible, so as may be Judged proper with Safety, to pre- 
vent any of the Enemy's Ships of War, or others from getting in, for 
was it to happen that any of the former should do it The Troops em- 
ployed in the Attack against the West Gate would be Exposed .v- 
Flank'd by the Fire from those Ships from the West End of the Har- 
bour, where some of Them might be lay'd for that purpose, & their 
Rear would likewise be exposed to any number of Men that might be 
landed from the Enemys Ships in order to annoy them in that quarter, 
which might be very easily be clone. Besides, if a Squadron of His 
Majesty's Ships should be so disposed of, & thereby intercept any of 
y e Enemy's from endeavouring to get in, There then possibly may hap- 
pen an Opportunity for His Majesty's Troops to attack, either y e Grand 
Battery, or Lighthouse Battery, or Both, (if it should, upon View, ap- 
pear that both these Attacks are promising of success) by which means 
the carrying of them will be greatly Facilitated, & if carryed would 
afterwards render The Forceing of y e Harbour, by our Squadron much 
more practicable.— Here it is to be observed, that if there should be 
any Men of War of the Enemy's in the Harbour they can dispose of 
them in such a manner as greatly to annoy Our Troops, both in their 
Camp, as well as in their Trenches, & also when they come to make 
an attack against y e Grand Battery. 

It is further judged it will be absolutely necessary that some Cruisers 
should be clossly employed, & that as early as possible, when y e Season 
will admit, upon the Back of y e Island, in y e Golph of St Lawrence, 
between the Gut of Canso &: the East End of the Island, to prevent y e 
Enemy from Stealing in any Reinforcements or Succours, not only from 
y e Island of S l Johns, but likewise from Canada.— And— If the Liberty 
may be allowed to mention one thing, which is, That— As it is con- 
cieved, The Neutral Inhabitants of Nova Scotia who were sent away 
last Fall from thence to our other Colonies, (a great part of whom, it 


is reported, have lately been sent from thence here to England) would 
gladly get to Cape Breton, to be near to their Old Possessions in Nova 
Scotia, in order to assist in y e Recovering them again whenever a good 
Opportunity shall offer, It is presumed that it would be much for His 
Majesty's Service in regard to y e intended Expedition, if these People 
could, by any means, be detained here, untill that may be carryed into 
execution; otherwise should they once get into Old France undoubt- 
edly they will immediately get themselves Transported to Cape Breton, 
which will be an easy way of Reinforceing the Garrison of Louisbourg 
&: that at an Easy expence to their Government at home. 

The Ships of War that are to Cruise off the Harbour of Louisbourg, 
& on the Back of y e Island, from y e Gut of Canso to y e East End of 
y e Island, or rather y e N East end of it, to be at their Stations by a 
time to be fix'd, or to be so near as to take the opportunity of being 
there as soon as it is even possible for any Ships to get in, either from 
Old France or from Canada in y e Spring. 

The Men of War & Transports with y e Troops &c a for y e Expedition 
to be ready by the of next as may hereafter be judged proper, 

And to have a Rendezvous, (well considered before given for fear of 
Intelligence being had by the Enemy) given them &: not to be open'd 
till well out at sea, for as it is conceived scarce probable that all of 
them can arrive together after so long a Voyage, It possibly might prove 
of y e Utmost 111 consequence to the Expedition, should they Drop in 
one after another.— 

If the Lighthouse Battery, which 'tis said has been lately Raised, 
should upon View appear to be open to y e Rear of it so as not to re- 
quire Cannon being brought for the Attack, which if it should not be 
so, 'Tis imagined it cannot be attack'd at all, The Way to it being 
extreemly Hilly & also Rocky, & consequently impossible to take Can- 
non there, It is thought that, in y e first case, by the help of 2 or 3 of y e 
smallest Transports, or Sloops or Schooners, if such should be sent 
from Halifax or Boston upon y e Service, there might a proper number 
of The Troops be Reimbark'd aboard them in order to be Landed at 
Little Lorenbeg, a small Boat Harbour about a League to the East- 
ward of the Light House, from whence They may March, by the help 
of a Guide y l must be procured for that purpose, (but must have no 
Cannon nor any Incumberence whatsoever) & probably possess them- 
selves of the Lighthouse Battery, which done would be of y e utmost 
consequence, should it afterwards be judged necessary for His Majesty's 
Ships to endeavour to force y e Harbour. This is upon a Supposition 
that the Troops may sooner or later be able to possess themselves of 


y e Grand Battery likewise, to do which a great Number of Men, & 
Heavy Cannon must be employed, otherwise they may be cutt oil from 
their Retreat by A Force sent from the Enemy's Ships if there should 
be any in y e Harbour & in that case they can transport them across it 
in a very short time for y 1 purpose. 

The Landing of the Troops at little Lorenbeg is only practicable 
when the wind does not set in shoar, & that in Boats from y e Trans- 
ports, and they cannot be Reimbark'd again to return to their Camp 
except a proper Wind favours their getting aboard, as no Vessels can 
lay off that Harbour of Lorenbeg when the Wind comes in from the 

It is thought that a proper View of y 8 Lighthouse Battery, if it is 
where it is imagined to be, may be taken by a proper Person who may 
be sent off the Harbour for that purpose, on board of His Majesty's 

To consider what quantity of Provisions may be proper to send 
with y e Troops in case of Carrying the Place, so as they may not want 
for the whole Winter, & even as far as the middle of June ensuing, for 
none can can be sent, with any kind of certainty, in the Fall of y e Year. 

A quantity upwards of 3000 Chaldrons of Coals must likewise be 
sent, for should the Place be carryed, Wood sufficient cannot be got, as 
is known by Experience, because when the Place was in our hands not 
one third of what was necessary for the Garrison could be procured 
in a whole Summer, tho' We then had y e Assistance of Several French 
Inhabitants that were left in y e Island, & as to laying in a Store in the 
Winter That is absolutely impracticable or even any at all. For the 
first Year or two, if not much longer, all our Dependence must be 
upon Coal from England, for none can be Raised upon the Island un- 
till the Colliery is well Established, several Miners sent out from thence 
likewise, with all Impliments proper for Working the Coals, 8c the 
Place where the Coal Pits are is well Fortifyed, so as to be above any 
Insult from the Enemy. 

It is also to be considered how the Troops are to be disposed of in 
case They should succeed in y e Expedition, what Garrison is to Re- 
main there, & where the rest are to be sent, as the Place will not contain 
the whole, except they should meet with very great Losses indeed. 

It is further to be considered in the Attack against the Light House 
Battery (so named, as it is supposed to be near, but not directly at the 
Lighthouse) that if the way whereby the Troops must pass to make 
their attack, is open 8c Exposed to the Direction of the Fire from The 
Island Battery, That Service will be attended with a considerable Loss 


of Men, If the Enemy there cannot by some means or other be Di- 
verted, & thereby be obliged to throw Their Fire another way, where- 
fore if an Opportunity was to offer when the sea is pretty well down, 
k at y e same time a favourable Breeze of Wind for making an Attack 
upon that Battery, By His Majesty's Ships, & to Land a proper De- 
tachm 1 of the Troops on y e Back if y e Surf will permit & likewise upon 
ye North West End of it, While The Lighthouse Battery is Attackt, 
It is supposed that one or y e other, if not both, might Fall into Our 
Hands, which might also be attended with y e consequence of Our 
Ships getting into y e Harbour, provided the Grand Battery should 
have been Carryed by the Troops before, & would entirely prevent 
any of the Enemys Ships of War or others from getting in, Supposing 
They should pass unobserved by Our Cruisers, by means of Fogs or 
any other accident that might happen in their Favour, & must discon- 
cert the Garrison in such a manner as probably might prove the means 
of our carrying the Place, if Briskly Attackt at y e same time. Here it is 
to be observed that it is doubtfull whether the Attack of the Island 
Battery (To be made by the Troops that are to be Landed from some 
of y e Men of War, in Boats, or from some of the Transports appointed 
for that service, if that is judged most proper, as reasonably it may be 
on account of Encumbering the Former as little as possible at that 
time) may succeed without the help of Scaling Ladders & at y e same 
time some Sailors, who would not only be of great Service in Expedit- 
ing the Landing of y e Detachment for y e Attack, but afterwards would 
be no less so by being intermixt with the Troops in making the Assault. 
Here The Enemy may be extreemly annoyed in the Battery by The 
Small Arms from the Ships Tops. 

From as much as can be recollected, In the Attacking of the Island 
Battery The Wind must be at West or, as it thought, rather to y e North- 
ward of it, otherwise it will raise a Sea and cause a great surf upon the 
Rocks, & prevent our Landing the Men for making an Attack upon 
it, & if the Wind is so far to y e Northward as North West or away to 
North East or more Easterly, then The Ships cannot come in to at- 
tack the Battery, as that Wind will throw in so great a Sea into y e 
Mouth of y e Harbour that They could not well lay at an Anchor be- 
fore the Battery. There would be the same inconveniencess if the Wind 
was to be any where between y e North East & away to y e South. But 
these matters are submitted to such as are more versed in sea affairs.— 

It is judged that in order to be at any kind of Certainty of Carrying 
the Place, The Harbour, either sooner or later, must be Forced by 


Our Men of War employed to cover the Seige, in order to Distress & 
Disconcert the Garrison, which most certainly that would do to the 
utmost degree, & might probably give an Opportunity for the Troops 
making a General assault at y e same time, as before mentioned. 

Caution must be taken in regard to the making any stoppage from 
the Troops for their Provisions, as they will be so near to those in Nova 
Scotia who have none made from them on that Ace'.— 

If there is no Stoppage to be made for Provisions, and any of the 
Troops in Nova Scotia are to be ordered on this Service, It is con- 
ceived that, Major General Warbui ton's Regiment, or a Detachment 
of it, should be a part of those, as that Regiment is the only one of 
the Three in that Province that was heretofore at Louisbourg, & are 
acquainted with y 8 Country round it, & therefore may be of great serv- 
ice upon y e Occasion. 

It is to be observed that there is no Ground for an Encampment 
with any kind of Regularity, but y e Camp must be very Irregular, & 
consequently will require a Good Disposition to be made for Its Se- 
curity, upon this Occasion a Feild Train may be necessary. 

The Garrison, after calling in as many of the Inhabitants of y e Is- 
land as may be judged proper, may order the rest upon a Service which 
might Harrass the Troops in their Camp, by annoying them that way, 
& by Intercepting Their Wood Cutters in going to y e Woods for Fuel, 
as They have y e whole Country behind open to them, and They, may 
likewise be employed in annoying the Troops from The Woods at the 
First Landing. 

Upon The whole Considering that The Troops Intended for This 
Expedition, may have a very long Passage, occasioned by contrary 
winds, Fogs or otherwise, whereby they may contract a Sickness aboard 
the Transports That The Fatigue will be great in Transporting The 
Artillery, Provisions & all stores &c a , from y e Place of Landing, in 
which Service The Men & not Horses must be Employed, & The num- 
ber of Men that must at y e same time be employed for y e security of 
the Whole, while y* is put in Execution, The Several Attacks which 
are proposed to be made besides others that may hereafter appear to 
be necessary.— The Number of Men that must every day be Detacht 
to the Woods for Fuel, &: y e Parties to cover them.— The Sickness that 
may happen from Fatigues, as likewise from y e Ground being so very 
Swampy, R: the Surface everywhere in that season of y e year being so 
exceeding Damp from the snow being but just gone off, These Things 
Considered, It is submitted what number of Troops may be necessary 


for the Intended Expedition. There is one thing more that may be 
mentioned which may possibly prove of bad consequence to the Ex- 
pedition, which is.— 

If The Fleet of Transports, after being Observed by the Garrison, for 
want of a Favourable Opportunity, of Landing should be obliged to 
Plye off & on for any time near the Place where the Descent is to be 
made, which may very probably happen, It is to be observed that y e 
Enemy will have time sufficient to Raise Batteries upon y e shore, 
whereby They may make it extreemly difficult for Landing y e Troops— 

[Endorsed] Colonel Hopson's Private Thoughts, relating to the Attack of 
Louisbourg 1757 

Proposal by Admiral Knowles and Colonel Hopson 


Some Thoughts concerning an Attack on ... . 

This place may be Assail'd either by Land or Sea, or both. 

On Land by a regular Siege, By Sea from a sudden Attack of a power- 
full Squadron. 

The first has been already consider'd by an Able Officer, whose plan 
I think in general cannot be mended, the last then, is what requires 
present Consideration: towards which it will be necessary as speedily 
as possible to gett intelligence what Number of Troops that Garrison 
at present consists of, what additional Works have been done since 
it was in possession of the English, as well to the Town, as at other 
parts of the Harbour, and of what Force & strength those new Works 
are both in their Fabrick and number of Cannon. 

These Points in strickt propriety, shoud have been known before 
any judgment had been formed, but as we cannot be furnish'd timely 
with those Lights, I shall found my Opinion upon the State and Con- 
dition of the Place at the Time it was deliver'd up to the French, When 
I think it wou'd have required a Squadron of twelve Ships of the Line 
from 90 to 60 Guns to have taken it, together with two Bomb Ketches 
and 6 or 8 Fregates & small Cruizers. such a Squadron well appointed, 
with 4 or 6000 Troops to have attended it, and landed immediately 
upon a general Attack, in such places as shou'd first have been render'd 
practicable for them by the Men of Warr: might I do apprehend have 
counted upon certain Success, and I am the more confirm'd in this 
Opinion, when I consider the strength of the Expedition form'd against 
it by the French under the Command of the Duke D'anville. 


It is laid down as a universal Maxim in Wan, by the greatest Gen- 
erals, to be particularly attentive; especialy at the opening of the first 
Campaign, not to let the adversary reap the smalest advantage, least 
in the begining of the Warr, he suffer it to change from the Offensive 
to a Warr upon equal Terms; much less dwindle to a deffensive One. 
a strickt Obeservance of the same Rule becomes a Sea General as well 
as Land, (for what is lost in one Campaign, may not perhaps be re- 
gaind in three or four.) Since (unfortunately) then this true Principle 
has not been observed, I hope it will be consider'd as a Wise and Pru- 
dent Measure to send a sufficient Force for this undertaking to make 
sure (under God,) of a Conquest; and I hope my requesting such a 
Force will not be imputed to any other Motive. 

What I mean by a sufficient Force is such an Augmentation to what 
I have already mention'd (both of Ships and Troops) as shall be ad- 
judged upon mature deliberation, (no certain intelligence arriving in 
the meantime) to be equal at least to the additional strength any Wise 
Nation wou'd have made to such a Frontier, before the breaking out of 
a War, indeed it may be said before such Nation did begin a War. 

In the Island Battery are 33 Ambrazures consequently it is capable 
of mounting the same number of Guns, the calibre of w ch were 27. and 
36 pounders; agains[t] this Battery I apprehend it will be necessary to 
lay one Ship of 74 Guns, and One of 60, and a three deck Ship at the 
End to enfilade it, (a two deck Ship being scarce LofTty enough.) 

The Grand Battery has 32 Ambrazures, the Guns all 42 pounders, 
Two 74 Gun Ships are as few as can be appointed to silence this 

On the Flagstaff, or Dukes Battery was mounted 21, 42 pounders and 
7 12 pounders in the Flanks. 

Bastion de Maurepas, or Prince Edwards Bastion was mounted with 
9 Guns in the northermost face, 24 pounders and 3 12 pounders in 
the Flank; in the south face there were no guns but space for 9, in the 
flank were 5-12 pounders mounted, nor were any guns mounted in the 
curtains, tho all capable of recieving them. 

In Prince Henrys Bastion on the otherside Maurepas Gate were 5 
Guns 12 pounders in the flank, in both faces there were only two Guns 
at the Angular Point mounted en Cavaliere and fired en barbette; 
against these Bastions, the Dukes Battery and along the Town Wall 
next the Harbour to the West Gate (where were 6 or 8 small Guns 
more,) I think it will require 5 or 6 Stout Line of Battle Ships at the 
least, and Employment enough for them. 

The Pallisadoed Line between the Colliers Bastion and Princes 


Henrys Bastion will take two stout Ships more, there being 4 Guns in 
the Cavalier on the Colliers Bastion 3 in the renterent Angle, 18 
pounders, and 9 Guns of 32 pounders in the Face; all which must be 
silenced before any debarkment of Troops can be made to Storm the 
Curtain of the Wooden Line, after a Breach is made in it. 

Some Ships of Force must at the same time be employ 'd to take care 
of the Transports, and cover the Bomb Ketches, two or three 50 Gun 
Ships may do for this service. 

There is an Island, call'd green Island, which lays aback of the Is- 
land Battery, within less than % of a Mile, which must be taken 
possession of a few days before the general attack, as it is a most ad- 
vantageous situation for a Bomb Battery, overlooking both the Bas- 
tions at Maurepas Gate, and looking down into the Island Battery 
where no Man can stirr but he's seen, some Wall pieces here & Musquet 
Cohorns will be usefull. 

If there is no French Squadron in Port, and the Weather presents 
favourable I do not apprehend the Conflict will last long after the 
Ships are placed but in the intrim the fire may be verry brisk. 

If the Attack can be made intirely by Shiping, it will most certainly 
save a verry great Expence, an infinite deal of Labour and fateague, as 
well as Time, and fewer lives be lost, I humbly apprehend then must 
happen thro' Sickness alone during the Course of a tedious Siege. 

Shou'd a Battery be errected at the Light house, I immagine it will 
be made verry Strong, (or they must be verry bad Engineers indeed.) 
else they are securer without One, for if we can possess ourselves easily 
of any Work there, neither the Island or Grand Battery can hold it out 
long, the height of the ground thereabouts commanding both those 
Batterys: if it is closed and fortify 'd on the back, we must land and 
take it for there is no entering the Harbour before we are Master of 

The several Curtains and faces of the Bastions it may reasonably be 
concluded will be compleated with Guns if no additional Works shou'd 
have been made, 

Before any Expedition setts forth it shou'd be know for certain 
whither any Squadron of the French is gone, or destin'd to go for that 
place, for shou'd but 5 or 6 Ships of the Line gett there, all attempts 
by Sea wou'd be vain, for they may keep out a hundred; nor do I think 
a Siege by Land cou'd be carried on whitest a Squadron is in the Har- 
bour, because after a breach is made the Men who are to assault that 
breach, must March under the fire of all the Ships: unless there were 


Forces enough to build batterys to Sink those Ships or drive them away, 
and carry on the Siege too. 

All which is most Humbly Submit'ed, 

[Endorsed] Joint Proposal by Admiral Knoiules & Colo 1 Hopson, concerning 
an Attack upon Louisbourg. IJ5J- 

Animadversions upon M r Shirley's Conduct. 1757 ' 

In the Year 1755 M Sh— by Concertion with & under the Commands 
of Gen 1 Braddock undertook an Expedition against the French Posts 
at Niagara which was to have been contemporary with that of M r Brad- 
dock's against Fort Duquesne. Upon a Supposition that such Measures 
must divide the Force which the French had in those Parts. 

From the Time that M r Sh— left Gen 1 Braddock after concerting this 
Plan which was in April; & from the Known State of the lower Port 
[Fort] at Niagara It does appear that M r Sh— 's Part of the Execution 
might have been effected. Great Preparations were made 8c great Ex- 
pence incurred in Order thereto. Yet the Execution was delayed 8c pro- 
tracted before M r Sh. set out, 'till the Time was elapsed in which it was 
to be executed; & even When M r Sh: did set out upon this Expedition, 
The Execution was again delayed 'till the very Day before that on 
which M r Sh: with the Advice of a Council of War determined— That 
it was too late in the Season to carry it into Execution. 

However M r Sh: excused himself upon the Obstructions in the Car- 
riage & the consequent Defect of Provisions. & projecting some Works 
of Defence to strengthen that Post, came away. These Works were left 
incompleat & never after compleated. M r Sh: acquaints' His Maj ,ys 
Ministers that He had secured the Country 8c sufficiently fortified & gar- 
risoned the Post of Oswego; 8c in Consequence of this as a Fact, pro- 
jected an Offensive Campaign from Oswego; the Time which He pro- 
poses for the Execution of this was the latter End of March 1756, or the 
Beginning of April & this Plan is accordingly sent to England to His 
Maj ty ' s Ministers & proposed to— the several Governm ts of the Colonies 
& concerted, and the Preparation for it engaged, S; the necessary Meas- 
ures taken & the Expence incurred. 

After all this M r Sh: delays and suspends again the Execution 'till 
May 25 th &: at that Time when possibly He might begin to see— the Im- 

1 This paper, in memorandum form, would seem to be an outline of one of the 
possible charges upon which the projected court martial of Shirley could be based. 

314 PLAN FOR 1757 

practicability of His original offensive Scheme. Yet at that Time He 
must have known from the State of the Forts & Garrison of Oswego & 
from the French Preparations to attack it, that a Defensive Plan was be- 
come absolutely necessary there; Yet at this very Time He calls a Council 
of War & upon the Supposition that the Posts at Oswego were suffi- 
ciently garrisoned fortified & provided, with Advice thereof alters the 
Destination of the 44 th & 48 th Regim ts & entirely quits all Operations in 
that Quarter, & puts things into such a Situation that when Gen 1 Aber- 
crombie on the 10 th July found it necessary to send what Succours He 
could to Oswego, the 44 th Reg 1 only was not able to march 'till the 
Second Week in August. Farther M r Sh:'s second Project by this new 
Destination was never put into Execution, but had it been so big send- 
ing every thing & the Two Regiments up the Hudson's River towards— 
Crown Point to wait upon the Motions of the Provincials; It would then 
have been impracticable even to have thought of endeavouring to send 
any Succours to Oswego. 

Some Hints for the Operations in North America 
for 1757 1 


Number of Forces to be rais'd by the Several Provinces. 

New Hampshire & Massachusetts Bay 12,000 

Connecticut 5,000 

New York 3,000 

Jerseys 1,000 

Pensilvania 3,000 

Maryland 1,000 

Virginia 2,000 

North Carolina 1,000 

South Carolina 2,000 

Regulars 10,000 


1 To judge from his emphasis on provincial troops, his unnecessary reference to 
the Kennebec river route, his suggestion for an attack on Fort Frontenac. his per- 
sonal knowledge of Oswego, and the general hopeful tone of his arguments, the 
writer of these hints was a man with the colonial point of view, perhaps William 
Shirley. Shirley was in London at this time. These suggestions resemble John Brad- 
street's proposals to Pitt in the autumn of 1757 (Public Record Office, Chatham 
Papers, Vol. 95). 


Train Incld. 

For S l Lawrence, or Kennebec River 5,000 20,000 

Crown Point &C a 4,000 10,000 

Cadaraque 1 ,000 2,000 

1 0,000 

L .... 2,400 

To Harrass t he Country, seize, on all 
Crafts Battoes &C a in 3 Partys, Each 800 

Woodcutters Pioneers &C a 3,200 

Sailors to Man 400 Sloops &C a 2,400 


As I cannot but be of Oppinion the whole Provinces in America, will 
with the greatest chearfulness, enter upon any Measures for the ime- 
diate attack of Canada which appears to be the least expensive, surest, 
and only way of redressing Great Britain for the insults and Encroach- 
ments, made on his Majesty Subjects & Dominion in America. 

To spare no pains, in finding out proper Persons for Intelligence. 

That an Embargo be laid on all Provisions through the Provinces in 
North America until the Month of May, and then to be carried only to 
his Majestys Islands and Plantations, and not to any Neutral Ports and 
the Officers in the said Islands and Plantations, to have a particular 
Regard and security given for all Provisions, put on board any Vessell, 
more than is imediately necessary for the Crews of the said Vessells 
intended Voyage, to be landed in some of his Majestys Islands or Plan- 
tations, & Certificates to be produced in a limited time, otherways the 
Bonds to be prosecuted. 

To have a proper Fleet Cruising before and in the Gulf of S l Lau- 
rence's River, as well as before the streights of Belle Isle, that nothing 
may pass, others station'd along the Coast to prevent the Enemy from 
making any desent, or surprizing any of his Maj ty Settlements (which 
ly very much exposed.) in order to make a Diversion for dividing our 

During the Winter to have a constant succession of Strong Partys of 
Irregulars out. (if an open Winter, if not so soon as the Weather will 
permit) to harrass and destroy all the Provisions about Montreal, Que- 
bec &C a ,— which will terrify the Inhabitants and cause them to move 
into the Fortify 'd Towns, which must of course Consume the Provi- 
sions, laid up for the Inhabitants & their Troops, so soon as the season 


will admit, to make a Diversion towards Crown Point, which will draw 
them out of Montreal & Quebec. 

Then for a Sufficient number of Ships to pass the Gulf of S l Laurence 
to the entrance of the River forming themselves in such a manner that 
nothing can pass them, the rest of the Fleet to keep their Stations, so 
that if any thing should get in, they must pass two Fires, which I think 
will be almost impossible 

At the same time to have the smal Vessells of War, with a sufficient 
number of Sloops, Schooners & Brigantines well Arm'd, with the 
Troops, Artillery, Provisions &C a on board proper for the Seige which 
will work up the River much sooner than large Ships or heavy Trans- 

This will alarm the Capital; and by the time the Forces design'd for 
the attack of Crown Point can receive intelligence of Their landing 
which may be sent Express to the Fort on Kennebeck River & so 
through Boston, which I imagine may be done in eight or ten days, if 
Expresses are properly laid, in which time all that can be spar'd, will 
be sent to the Relief of Their Capital, then to move to the attack of 
Crown Point, if success there, A sufficient number of The Forces to 
imediately advance to the attack of Montreal in which I apprehend 
there will be no great dificulty as the Ranging Partys may secure all 
the Enemys Boats, for transporting Our Troops. &C a . 

At the same time Crown Point is attacked the Forces design'd for 
Cadaraque, should move from the great carrying Place in Whale 
boats, and may be there in about sixteen days, which should be under 
the direction of a Person that has some knowledge of the Sea as well as 
Land service, for if there is two seperate commands, they never will 
agree and cause the attempt to fail, this will put us again into imediate 
Possession of the Lakes, and in all Probability, will cause the six Na- 
tions of Indians to join Us. But least the Begotted [bigoted] Indians in 
the French Interest, which are Numerous on that side should over power 
Us, if We made any long tarry there, I would advise that the Fort at 
Cadaraque should be demolish'd and the Vessells brought over to 

As 1000 would be sufficient for this the other in the meantime may 
be covering themselves at Oswego against Musketry, at Ontario Fort, 
& where the Old Block house stood, which will also cover the Vessells 
from any attempt the Indians may make to Fire them. 

An Instruction to all Governors in America to inspect the Arms of 
the Militia in their several Provinces, that they are in good Order, and 
properly Provided with Amunition. and to be always Ready, in case 


of any Desent being made in any of the Provinces, &: to assist each 
other, otherways they will incur his Maj vs highest displeasure. 

Loudoun to Cumberland 

New York, March 8, 1757 

I have had the Honour to receive your Royal Highness's very long 
Letter, begun the 22'' of October, & ending the 23 d of December (7756.) 

Your R:H: has made many Men happy; but you never made anyone 
more so, than you have done me, by the great Goodness you have shew 11 
me, thorough the whole of this long Letter. 'Tis not in my Power to 
make you any other Return, than by a constant attention to the In- 
structions you have given me, 8c by a zealous 8c faithful] Execution ol 
my Duty, to endeavour to deserve that Favour Y:R:H: is so good as to 
express lor me. 

As I am pressed in time to go to Philadelphia, I hope Y:R:H: will 
pardon my not being so minute in the Plan I have given the great Lines 
of, in my Letter to the Secretary of State, as I should otherways have 
been: but, must postpone it 'till my Return. 

In that Letter, I have begun with what I propose (if I do not receive 
orders to the contrary) to leave, for the Security of this Country, whilst 
I am absent. And, as the Distribution I have made of the general of- 
ficers, is liable to objection, I beg Leave to lay my Reasons for it, before 

In the first Place, I can have no Doubt that it is right for me to em- 
bark with the Troops, as they are the main Body of the Force in this 
Country, & go, on the most material Enterprise; and, that it is right for 
me to carry one general officer with me, in case of any accident or Sick- 
ness rendering me incapable of doing my Duty. 

But here, it may be objected, that I ought to have left Major C 
Abercrombie, as the Second, with so great a Command as the 2: Batt s 
and the 6000: Provincials, 8c to have carried M r Webb with me. 

But, in this, I was determined by the Situation I found M r Webb in, 
at the Return from Boston. For, tho' I had been informed there, by my 
Letters from hence, that he was perfectly recovered, I found him so 
weak that he could not bear any Noise; the Impetuosity of Colonel 
Prevost quite overcome him. And altho' he is now much better, he is 
not so well as I could wish: and, as he is, at all times, extremely sick the 


whole time he is at sea, I thought he would probably be so weak, that 
he would not be able to act when he arrived; in which case, if any acci- 
dent should happen to me, which every man is liable to, it might have 
proved very fatal to the whole, as the Coiiiand must have fallen to 
Colonel Dussau, who is unequal to it; & then to Co 1 Prevost, whom I 
should have been sorry to have put at the Head of a Brittish Army; for, 
he wants one above him to bridle his warmth in command. 

Before I leave the Subject of Command, pardon me to ask what I 
am to do, in case there should come over an elder Colonel with the 
Troops M r Pitt mentions? 

Before I fixed upon the command either of the general officers were 
to be employed on, I fixed the Troops for each Command, to prevent 
Partiality, where People were to be themselves, & to mention the Troops 
as they are posted at present I determined to take the 42: 44: & 48: 
Regiments along with me: and, from hence, I take the 22: Regiment 
& two Battalions of the Royal Americans. 

With M r Webb, I leave the 35: & the 3 d Batt n of the Royal Americans 
with the 4: independent Companies & the Provincials. 

He has since proposed to have the 2 d Battalion, in place of the 3 d 
which is not yet Settled. My Reason for pitching on the 2 d & 4: to go 
with me, was, on account of their Colonels, who, I think, I can best deal 
with; the one will do under a Superior: but, Colonel Prevost requires a 
Firmness pretty near equal to Obstinacy to deal with him: or, he will 
govern the world. 

I would indulge M r Webb in every thing in my Power: but, I be- 
lieve, I must carry the 2 d Batt n with me, for those Reasons. 

Sir John S l Clair, has been extremely ill for some time, with many 
complaints, & whilst I was at Boston was two Days speechless, with a 
Complaint on his Nerves. When I returned, he came to me quite 
emaciated and supported. He then told me, that it was all over, & he 
found he must die; for, he could hold it no longer. But, he afterwards 
talked of Business, which revived him greatly; & before he left me, he 
was determined to make the Campaign. He has, since, had several 
violent Fits of the Gravel, the Pain of which brings on those nervous 
Complaints, for what I know no Name. In short, his constitution is 
totally broke, & there is not the least appearance of his being able to 
serve this Campaign, if he does live, which I do not expect. 

My Plan; for, I am not yet fixed, is to appoint Major Robertson to 
act for the present. He occurs to me from his activity, & having formerly 
acted under Y:R:H: in Scotland, as a Deputy, by which he has had 


some Practice in the office; and he belongs to the 2 d Battalion. Y:R:H: 
sees I am forced to take some Steps in this; 8c the next Packet, which I 
hope will sail in three Weeks, will bring you an account of what I do. 

The Returns of January go by this Packet. I have not yet got all 
the Returns of February; nor can I divide the Draughts yet, except So 
far as compleats the 22 d Regiment. So that, neither the Remains of 
them, nor the last Recruits from Virginia, are included in those Returns. 
But, I expect the real Strength, at the time we take the Field, will be the 
22: 8c 42: Regiments 10001 each: the 35:44: & ./iS':Reg t8 800 each: and the 
Four Batt s of the Royal Americans 700: each. But, from that, must be 
taken Co 1 Prevost's Recruits that were taken at Sea; & must remain on 
our Returns 'till we know what is become of them: and the High- 
landers that are with the 42: on our Pay: But, they will very Soon be 
all incorporated into that Regiment; 8c the 59: taken by Zephir, of the 
Draughts on additional Companies: and, I might include the 124: Men 
left in that Ship who have capitulated not to Serve for a year. So that, 
with those I must leave, (as being bad, which the Virginia Recruits 
realy are, most of them being Convicts, & many of them bought out of 
the Ships before they landed) I can not reckon those Battalions above 
600: each, for present Service. 

On this Calculation of the Troops here & M r Pitt's Information of 
8000: to be sent out, I have formed my Plan, which leaves 12,800: for 
the Expedition, independent of what may be got from Nova Scotia. 
But, as I have seen Ministers Promises come short, I have made, in 
my own Mind, allowances for accidents, though I stick up to the 8000: 
in my public Letter; and think if you realy send out 6000: good men, 
we will be able to accomplish what is expected by the Expedition, if no 
new Succours are thrown in, to the Enemy; and, if you send a Man 
to command the Fleet that is practicable in Business. 

The general opinion, here, is, that Admiral Knowles is to command 
the Fleet. I am very little acquainted with him. But, pardon me to say, 
the Character he has, is, that he never agreed with any man, in com- 
mand, 8c that, there is no dealing with him but before Witnesses 8c in 
writing, which may remain, to shew what realy passes. If those Things 
are true and Fie command, there is an End of all Prospect of Success. 
But, whoever the King is pleased to send, I do assure your Royal High- 
ness, nothing shall be wanting on my part, to Keep up a Harmony 8c 
carry on the Service. And, I flater myself you will pardon me for having 
stated my aprehensions of such an Evil happening, as must arise from 
a Difference between the Commanders at this Distance from you. 



These Digressions have lead me off from explaining why the Draughts 
have not been in the Returns. Their present Situation seems to arise 
from a Doubt between Colonel Prevost $c L l Colo 1 Rollo, at the Em- 
barkation, who had the Command, & both seem to have commanded 
in some Things; and, at the same time to think the other had the 
right to command, by Colonel Prevost' s being only to command in 
America, which, with me, would have been no Doubt, as those Troops 
were under orders to go to America. But, from this I have no Return of 
what was mustered in Town, nor what Number actualy embarked. 
So that, I am forced to make up the Returns as they arrive, to find out 
what come from each Regiment, & what Number the whole amounts to. 

It likewise seems they were mustered in the Town of Cork, the Morn- 
ing they embarked, and were kept for that Purpose jour or five hours 
in the Streets, by which I am afraid we lost a great many of them. I find 
the 22: Regiment lost above 60: Men. As to what additional Companies 
lost, I do not know, as I have no Return of the Number they ought 
to be, and, if we are to pay for them, I hope Y.R.H: will approve of our 
paying for no more than were embark'd. 

The 22 d Regiment have brought out Accoutrements for joo: but, as 
they were not informed that they were to be augmented to 1000: they 
were ordered to return from Cork 200: Sets of new Accoutrements they 
had, for their additional companies; and they are now in Cap n Des- 
brisay's Hands in Dublin. 

As Troops can not serve without Accoutrements; to remedy this 
Evil for the present, I have given orders to retain the Accoutrements 
of the 50: & 5/: Regiments, in order to supply them. I know that when 
Regiments are broke, they belong to the Colonel; but, if they are to 
be pay'd for, the value can not be great. But, if the Demand is unrea- 
sonable, I can bring a Proof that the former Regiments, belonging to 
these tivo Gentlemen, never had any accoutrements, or Grenadier Caps, 
which Colo 1 Hobson can inform Y:R:H: of; with the arts that were 
used at the Breaking of them at Louisbourg. These Things I Shall ex- 
plain to Major General Napier in a Letter from the Road, with the 
manner in which the 50 th was raised, which I have not time to do just 

I am distressed by not knowing what Comissions His Majesty has 
been pleased to give in the 22 d Regt. or what the King intends should be 
clone here. I see by a Letter the Regiment received from the Agent two 
Days before they sailed, that the Lieut 1 Colonel is out; & Major Rollo 
promoted; & the eldest Capt n Blacket, made Major; and some Ensigns 


filled up, but no account of what cither is done, or intended to be done 
about the additional Lieutenant. 

I Send inclosed a Copy of a Letter from Major Market, who never can 
be capable of doing Duty; for which Reason, I have allowed him to go 
home, as he can not be of the smallest use here. 

I am pretty much in the same Situation as to the foreign officers that 
should have come with Colonel Prevost, as I have no accounts of them, 
but from him, who has varied in his accounts of them; & by the best 
account I can gather from him, Several of them have something particu- 
lar in their Circumstances. The first he mentions is Cap" Buneville, who 
is in the Transport reported to be at Antigua. The next is Captain 
Burnan, who was in the Transport taken by the Zephir, & with Lieu- 
ten 1 Le Noble, 2c volunteer D'Aulnis, who went back to France. The 
account of this affair is very odd; but, I have not yet got to the Bottom 
of it; so shall suspend my judgement 'till I do. The other two Capt'" 
Williomans & DuFez, are both in the Swiss, in the French Service; and, 
as I learn from the other Foreigners, are not likely to come. These four, 
with Captain Lieu 1 Littler, of the •/./.• he tells me Y:R:H: has ordered 
me to give Captain's Comission to, in the Royal American Regiment: 
the last, in Place of Captain de Shool, who does not accept. 

This Situation puzzles me how to proceed. Burnan is gone back to 
France, & by Reports of the Soldiers (for I have not seen Cap" (?) 
Gruelin, who was in that Ship, & come on) not much against his In- 
clination. And, they further Say that Le Noble &: D'Aulnis were sent 
back from the French man of war, in order to draught the best of the 
unmarried Men of the Draughts, which they endeavoured to do, & 
promised to provide for them in France. But, this is only from common 
Soldiers, one of which having been formerly in Fitz-james's Horse, 
understands French; but, he served in Lieu 1 General Blakeney's Regi- 
ment, under Y:R:H: in 1746 in Scotland. The Lieutenants he tells me 
Y:R:H: approved of are Raan, Le Noble, Perier & de Noyelles. None 
of those are arrived but Perier, who is a Sergent in the Regiment; & I 
do not find he has any particular Merit. 

M r Calcraft writes he has sent me a List of the officers you have ap- 
proved of. If he means what you have approved of since Colonel Prevost 
returned from Germany, it has never come to hand: But, indeed, 
most of the Letters that have been sent by Merchant Ships have mis- 

In this Situation of Things, I stand still, expecting a Packet every 
Day, to clear up matters. But, I hope you will not think me in the 



wrong, if, before we take the Field, I fill up all Commissions, where I 
have no accounts of the officers having Leave of absence from you; or, 
an account of their being on the way to join their Regiments, as Y:R:H: 
knows 'tis not possible to carry on the Service without officers. 

And, if no account be sent to me of His Majesty's having filled up the 
vacancies of the 22: Regim 1 & yet those officers should arrive here, after 
the Necessity of the Service has obliged me to promote officers from 
other Commissions to supply those vacancies; and the vacancies are 
filled up from whence they were removed; I shall be under a Necessity 
of sending back any officers that may be sent out, to the War-Office, 
from whose Neglects the confusion must arise, if there is any. 

I shall provide for such officers of the 50: & 5/: Regiments as appear 
to me fit for Service; & shall send Y:R:H: a List of those here, distin- 
guishing those I think fit for Service, & those that are not. As to Major 
Craven, as he has been Pay Master & has all the Accompts of that Regi- 
ment to clear, of which I, at present, see no Prospect of an End, I shall 
not employ him 'till that is done, except you order otherways. 

But, I do most humbly beg that, Y:R:H: will not send back those that 
are gone back to England, as the officers here, have a very fatiguing 
Service attended with many Inconveniencies & no Profits; and that 
many younger officers have been promoted at home: and, if those 
People come, it will prevent their having Promotion here. I have no 
View in what I have said, but the Good of the Service, & that Y:R:H: 
is a much better Judge of that, than I am. 

I have no account of any colonel being appointed to the 3 d Battalion. 
I have never mentioned this article before, as I imagined it would have 
been filled up directly: and, I presume to hope that the People, here, 
have been thought of, where there are some very deserving ones. 

Colonel Prevost has been with me from L l Colonel Bouquet & 
Haldiman with an apprehension that other Field officers will come in 
upon them by Seniority, into the Royal Americans; and that, from 
thence, they will be deprived of ever rising. I shewed them that I looked 
upon the Succession of Colonel Jefferies as the first Nomination. But, as 
the Colonel was a little outragious I dismiss'd him, & sent for Colonel 
Bouquet, & shewed him the general Rule of promoting officers: but, 
that the King did not tie himself from departing from that, either by 
passing over the eldest, where he was not fit for the Commission, or in 
promoting younger officers, for particular Merit. And, I told him that 
as they had had a considerable Step, on their coming into the Service, I 
thought they had no Reason to take offence, if it should be some time 


before the King thought of them. I then repeated what I had told them 
before, that, as they were Strangers, I looked on them as particularly 
intitled to my Protection: and, I think he went away satisfied; but 
desired I might mention their Case to Y:R:H: as they can be promoted 
no where but in the Royal American Regiment. These two Lieu 1 
Colonels will do extremely well, and are very good officers. But, I am 
afraid Colonel Prevosi will make himself disliked by every officer in 
the Army, in spite of all I am able to do: for, the manner he behaves 
to them is very next': and if 1 can not get him to change it, I think he 
will very soon get a Reproof from others; or, bring himself to a Court- 
Martial before the Campaign is over. 

He has brought me a Plan of Recruiting the Regiment, which he does 
understand. But, as he required to the midle of May to execute it; 
which I can not come into at present It was a very profitable one too; 
for, he was by it to receive £6: for every Free man; & £4: for every 
Servant; and the Regiment to pay the Master if it was necessary. And, as 
this Price is greatly above what we give, or the other Regiments can 
afford, he was to give no more to the Recruits than we now give; & the 
Remainder of the Money he was to have, to enable him to reward the 
officers & Men employed under him. 

The Colonel who approves of no one Thing he does not do himself, 
attributes our want of Success to the Accounts not being cleared for 
Recruiting, which is entirely owing to the Management of them by 
Major Rutherford, Major Prevost & the Foreign officers that arrived 
before me, where there are strange accompts & much Confusion. But, 
I will clear them, tho' he thinks it is better to pass them as given in. 
One of the foreign Captains charges in his Recruiting accompts £iy. 
for a Party of Pleasure on the water: and This will not pass in my ac- 
compts. I am at a Loss to know where the Fleet & the Transports from 
England, will be sent to? The first Plan was to have embarked all the 
Troops, that go from hence, at Boston, from the accounts I had had of 
the goodness of the Harbour. But, now that I have been there, I find 
it a very dangerous one. And, by having so many of the Transports 
here, I shall make a great Saving, by embarking them in this Port; 
which has determined that Point. 

I have now got all the Forrage. I want but 1^93: Tons; to Supply 
which, there remains the Ports of Boston, Rhode-Island & MaryLand, 
from whence the Returns of Shiping are not yet arrived. Virginia is so 
far off, I shall not be able to benefit of Ships from thence; but, Shall 
endeavour by the King's Ships to press Sailors. 


I must defer giving your Royal Highness an account of the Commis- 
sions I have filled up in Nova Scotia, as they want Explanation which 
I have not time just now to give; for, some of them have been vacant 
above a year, as I could not understand the Case, 'till I met Colonel 
Lawrence at Boston, who seems a sensible discreet man. 

I have filled up no Commissions in the Royal American, but one 
Company, which I have given to Cap" L 1 Littler, on Colo 1 Prevost's 
Information of Y:R:H: Intentions: and to make Room for L l Bartman, 
to whom I have given the Company in the 44: I have dated his Com- 
mission as if it had been given before I received the order for providing 
the reduced officers of the 50: & 57: Regiments. I hope you will not 
disapprove of this, as he is most earnestly recommended by a very good 
Friend of mine, M r Fox. 

I have been with Sir John S' Clair, since I have wrote the above. I 
have told him that he is not able to serve this Campaign: but that he 
shall continue in his office, & I will appoint an other to do the Dutv in 
the mean time; which has made him very happy: and I have appointed 
Major Robertson to do the Duty. Sir John has £1: p Day. I shall give 
Major Robertson Ten Shillings a Day, whilst he acts. 

I must beg of Y:R:H: to allow of an adjuta?it general on this Estab- 
lishment. I can find none in the lower Ranks equal to it; and the Day 
is not long enough for the Business I have to do. Lieu 1 Colonel Burton 
is by much the most proper man for that Purpose. 

I have judged it necessary to lay in more Provisions for M r Webb, 
than he has Troops, in case there should be occasion to march any Part 
of the Militia to support him, whilst we are going round. Therefore I 
have provided for 72,000: Men, for 6: months which requires of 

Bread & Flour Peas Rice Butter Pork 
Barrels at 200 lb Bushels Barrels 240^ Firkins <5o"> Barrels 
10,920: 14,625: . . .650: 1950: 6240 

now in Albany \ oc 

& the Ports above J 7> 86o: 12,650: . . .463: 1311: 7147 

wanting to com- "| 

pleat which is now I 3060: 1971:... 187: 638: 

in new York J 

The Pork is 907: Barrels over compleat, which I shall bring down, as 
soon as the Sloops can sail, the Ice being now broke. I think there will 
be no Danger of M r Webbs being in any want: and I shall carry Six 
months Provisions with me. 

The Province of Mary Land voted £3000: of their Currentcy for 


buying Provisions for the Army, which they laid out in Wheat, R: sent 
to me for that Purpose; which, as there is a Contractor, I could not use; 
therefore, I have sold it to M r Kilby, for four Shillings &: Six Pence, 
which is a good Price for the Bushel. But, as by the within account it 
amounts in Sterling money to no more than £1 017 '-19 '-9^/2 this Money 
I propose to take into my own Hands, as contingent Money, to be ac- 
counted for, at the marking up of my accompts, as the £2000: ad- 
vanced in England will not answer the Expences of passing so long 
an account. If Y:R:H: thinks this is wrong, be so good to let me know 
it, & I will directly pay it into the Paymaster General's Hands. As I have 
acquainted Y:R:H: with it, & shall send a Copy of this accompt to the 
Province, with Thanks for it, in the King's name, it is not in my Power 
to defraud the Public of it. I am, Sir, Your Royal Highness's most duti- 
full &: much obliged, obedient Servant, 


[Endorsed] Copy of Lord Loudoun's Letter to H:R:H: the Duke New-York; 
March 8. 1757. 

Cumberland to Loudoun 


S l James's, March 21: 1757 

My Lord Loudoun, Many Reasons too tedious to be discussed at this 
Distance, have prevented my giving you sooner an Answer to your 
Letters of Nov 22: &: Jan> 5-6. which arrived together. But, now I can 
acquaint you with great Satisfaction that His Majesty *k People in g 1 
[general] at home, are extremely pleased with the great Beginnings 
you have made this year for restoring order and Discipline, not only in 
the Army but in that part of the Goverment which regards the Quarter- 
ing &c of the Troops, & which it is not doubted your assiduity & Steadi- 
ness will carry you through greatly to the Benefit of the public Service 
& your own Honour. You will perceive by the orders of the last Date 
that you are left at full Liberty to make such use of the great regular 
Force you will have under your Com" as may appear to you most bene- 
ficial for H. M: Service in general & the most conducive to put a glorious 
End to the war in N: America 

The opinions at this Distance are extremely various. But whatsoever 
Predilection any one may have here, you only, on the Spot, can be the 


proper judge. The opinion you have all along seemed to have, of the 
Probability of Success in an attack up the R r S l Lawrence upon Quebec 
has greatly help'd to incline me to that Plan of Operations preferable 
to any other, as I should look upon England to be entire masters of N:A: 
as soon as we were possessed & kept Possession of Quebec: for, then, all 
the Smaller Possessions of the French in Canada must fall into our 
Hands immediately. And our back Settlers along that immense Tract 
would be at Rest from the moment such an Expedition was even to be 
attempted, on the other Hand, if Lewisburg becomes the chief object 
of your operations this Spring, tho' I don't fear Success there; yet, I fear 
that the Difficulties & Tediousness of the Preparations for the Siege, 
would take you so much of the Sumer, that there would be hardly time 
left for the grand operation. And in that case, tho' we should gain Lewis- 
burg, yet we might perhaps suffer so much on the Continent of N:A: 
during the Siege as might make the Ballance of the Campaign but little 
in our favour, From this Reasoning you will plainly perceive which 
way my Inclination leads; as I own, I can not help flatering my Self that 
such an immense force as England now pays in N:A: under the com- 
and of one whose abillities I have so good an Opinion of, ought to 
strike a decisive Blow this year. But, I must again repeat to you that 
what appears to me at this Distance, will not in the least prejudice me 
against whatsoever Plan you may undertake, as I shall be convinced 
that it is undertaken upon better Information & grounds than we can, 
here, have. 

M r Shirley's affair is now a going to be put into the Hands of a 
chosen Board of G 1 officers; by way of preparing matters for his Court 
martial; & the many Papers & Proofs you have furnished me with shall 
be properly employd towards bringing that notorious Criminal to 

I am glad that you have got through, (though with so much Trouble) 
the great Point of Quartering the Troops where you are; & I hope it 
will be a Preecedent for the future. § You will receive this Letter, by the 
Hands of Lord Howe, whom the King has been pleased to appoint to 
one of the American Batt s in the Room of Colonel Jefferays. I need not 
recomend him to you as you know him already. You will find him an 
intelligent, capable & willing officer, & can not help hoping that it will 
come to his Lot, to command one of the Batt', that will be employ 'd 
upon Servies. § By the little Conversation R: acquaintance I have made 
this year with Ad rl Holbournc I flater MySelf you will find him of a 
very complying & easy nature, having promised me that he would 
jointly with you, consider H.M: Service, cqualy at Sea & Land, & give 


no Obstructions but rather all the Assistance in his Power to the King's 
Service in general. 

The g 1 plan of Winter Qu™ that you have established for this last 
winter, appeared to me extremely judicious & proper for whatever Serv- 
ice you may undertake, this ensuing Campaign; & I do not doubt but 
that the whole is by this time quite complete. Your Reasons for keeping 
the Troops so late in the Field are Self evident, as it would have been 
extremely dangerous to have retired into W r Qu rs whilst the Enemy 
still remained assembled in a Body, and your intended Scheme for keep- 
ing the Garrisons constantly su plied with 8: months Provisions & suf- 
ficient pay, is also extremely prudent & proper. 

I have ordered the order 'd the agents of the Reg ts to send you the best 
accompts they can of what Prisoners have been taken of the diferent 
Embarkations going over from Europe. Lord Barrington has Already 
answerd' your Qu ns relating to the independ* companies so that I shall 
say no more on that Head; as L d Duplin has also removed the objec- 
tions that you made, to the Payment of the Troops in Gold: 

As to Artillery, you will find by the List sent over that you are suf- 
ficiently equiped for any Service that you may want: & L l Co 1 William- 
son is sent over to command, who is reckoned a very good & carefull 

I can not conclude this Letter without my hearty wishes for your 
Success this important campaign, on tlie Event of which the whole 
Ballance of this war may turn, & resting full confident that you on your 
part will do all that a man can do for the Service of your King &: country 
I remain your very affect. 

Lieu 1 Colonel Henry Bouquet * to Sir John S t Clair. 

Philadelphia, the 18™ April 1757 


J'ai receu, Mon Cher Chevalier, votre Lettre du 1 i e Cour 1 . Le mauvais 
Etat de votre Same m'afflige plus que je ne puis vous le dire: II faut 
done nous Separer puisque vos Medecins vous envoyent en Angleterre: 

1 Henry Bouquet (1719-176-,) was a Swiss whom Prevost had brought into the 
British service, as lieutenant colonel of the first battalion of the Roval American Reg- 
iment. Bouquet commanded in South Carolina in 1757, was with Forbes on the 
Fort Duquesne expedition in 1758, and served the latter part of the war among the 
western frontier forts. His victorv at Bushy Run, in 1763, shows his success in adapt- 
ing "la petite guerre" as known in Europe to the requirements of American war. 
Commissioned colonel in America in 1762, he was made brigadier general in Amer- 
ica in 1765, in spite of his foreign birth. 


mais pourres vous Soutenir les incommodites de ce Voyage? Ne vaudroit 
il pas mieux Suivre l'avis de ceux qui vous conseillent l'Air de la Cam- 
pagne: En choisissant une Situation Saine et agreable, et surtout ne 
vous occupant plus l'Esprit de travail et d'affaires, vous pourries vous 
y retablir, ou du moins reparer asses vos forces pour entreprendre 
Sans danger une Si longue Navigation. 

Quelque party que vous prenies, mes voeux pour votre guerison vous 
suivront partout. Apres votre Sante rien ne me touche autant que 
Famine que vous voules bien me temoigner, et dont j'ai constamment 
ressenti les Effets des mon arrivee en Amerique: Je Sens tout le prix 
d'un Amy et d'un Patron come vous, au dessus des prejuges trop com- 
muns dans votre Nation. Vous voyes notre Situation, elle est desagrea- 
ble: Vos Conseils et Votre Exemple me Soutenoient, et m'auroit rendu 
tout suportable. II ne me restera apres votre depart qu'un Zele invari- 
able, mais qui sera aussi inutile au Service qu'a moi meme. Notre Chef 
Seul ne nous a point traites en Etrangers: II nous a toujours Soutenus, 
et honores de Ses Bontes; mais sa Protection ne peut eteindre une Anti- 
pathie si ouvertement declaree; Je vois qu'elle eclate en toute occasion, 
et je suis inquiet pour l'avenir: Tous les homines peuvent faire des 
fautes, et qui peut se flatter de se Soutenir a la longue, si l'on a tout 
contre Soy, et que Ton ne pardonne rien? L'affaire du Cap ne Steiner 
m'a fait beaucoup de peine; il a eu tort certainement, Je ne suis point 
prevenu en Sa faveur, mais n'a t'on pas grossi ses torts? Un Etranger ne 
merite t'il pas quelque Indulgence, Si dans aussi peu de tems, il n'a 
pu Se mettre au fait de toutes vos Coutumes et regies non ecrites? Et des 
qu'il offre de reparer Sa faute par toutes les demarches que Son hon- 
neur et son grade peuvent admettre, doit il etre humilie jusqu'a devoir 
Se rendre meprisable aux yeux de tout un Bataillon? Enfin un Oflkier 
qui a bien servi et qui a l'honneur de porter la Commission du Roy 
come Cap ne doit il etre mis tout a fait de niveau avec un Mate sans 
rang ni Comission? 

Je compte sur vous, Mon Cher Chevalier, pour faire envisager a My- 
lord cette affaire d'un Oeil plus favorable. Nous ne tenons qu'a lui, et 
s'il nous abandonne un moment il faut que nous tombions: Des qu'il 
sera mecontent de nous il ouvre la Porte a tous ceux qui cherchent a 
nous nuire, et nous perdrons la Consideration que Sa faveur Seule nous 
donne et sans laquelle nous ne pouvons bien Servir. 

Vos reflexions sur le 4 e Batt. sont bien justes: Le mecontentement 
general que j'y marque me donne tous les jours de nouveaux Chagrins; 
Si M r P[revost] avoit voulu suivre les Conseils que Hald[imand] et moy 
lui avons donne a son arrivee, il se seroit bien epargne des Peines, et a 


nous aussi. lis etoicnt tcls que nous devrions Souhaiter qu'ils Eussent 
connus de tout le niondc: Nous sommcs fort eloigned d'aprouver lcs 
hauteurs qu'on lui reproche, et nous avons agi nous memes asses dif- 
Eeremmeni pour ne devoir pas etre Soupcpnn£s d'avoir aucune part a ce 
qui s'est passe: Cependant nous en ressentirons le Contrecoup, et les 
Etrangers seront sans distinction envelopes dans la prevention que Ton a 
contre lui. Hald. . . . et moy nous sommes laits un Plan fixe de n'entrer 
jamais dans aucun Party quelconque, et nous nous bornons a Servir 
pendant la Guerre avee l'aplication et l'activite qu'on peut attendre 
d'honetes Gens qui vculent le bien. 

Nous Sommes entres dans ce Service avec l'Esperance d'y faire notre 
Chemin Sans traverses, dans le Seul Regiment ou nous pouvons Servir: 
Je crois que nous nous sommes trompes ladessus, et que nous trouvant 
a la queiie des L l Col: nous ne pouvons plus esperer de parvenir au 
Commandem* d'un Batt. mais de quelque lacon qu'on nous traitte a cet 
egard; Je conserverai toute ma vie la plus profonde reconnoissance des 
Graces dont le Due nous a combles par toutes ses Bontes dans le Cours 
de cette affaire, et si nous ne rendons pas tous lcs Services, dont il nous 
a cms capables; J'Espere que S.A.R. aura quelque Egard aux Circon- 
stances ou nous nous serons trouves: Lorsque nous deviendrons inutiles 
a la Paix Si l'Antipathie Nationale continue encore, nous pourrons 
alors nous retirer honorablement et sans ingratitude. 

Pardon, Mon Cher Chevalier, de vous fatigucr de details aussi des- 
agreables: mais j'en ai la tete remplie et ne puis en parler qu'a Vous. 

Je vous suis bien oblige des bons avis, et des Lumieres que vous me 
donnes sur mon Expedition de la Caroline: J'ai etc ties flatte de 
l'honeur que Mylord m'a fait en me confiant un Commandement de 
cette Importance. 

Je connois le Gouverneur Littleton, et j'espere d'agir aiscment de 
concert avec lui. J'ai reconnu en toute occasion la verite du Caractere 
que vous donnes aux America ins. Et J'ai trouve par mon Experience a 
Philadelphie, qu'avec beaucoup de patience, de Douceur et de fermete, 
il n'est pas impossible de reussir avec Eux: J'y arrivay dans des Circon- 
stances asses Critiques, Sans Ordres, ni instructions, et tous les Esprits 
prevenus contre Nous: Cependant j'ai eu le bonheur d'en faire le 
meilleur Quartier de l'Amerique, en contentant tout le Monde. Je 
scais que ce n'est pas a moy que l'on en donne le Succes, mais je m'em- 
barasse peu du relief, pourvu que le Bien Se fasse: En cas de besoin 
Fr[anklin] et toute la Ville pourroient repondre la dessus. 

Le Retard que Soufrre mon Embarquement me fait craindrc que ma 
disposition ne Change: Le Gouverneur D[enny] s'est engage a fournir a 


Mylord 200. homes pour cette Expedition mais aiant neglige d'en in- 
former a tems l'Assemblee, je doute qu'ils puissent etre prets: Conr: 
Weiser s'est si bien employe pour m'obliger qu'il a trouve son Contin- 
gent dans le Batt qu'il Commande, mais le reste ne sera pas si facile a 

Dans quelque Endroit que J'aille, je serois bien Charme d'y avoir de 
vos nouvelles: Je vous prie de me faire sc,avoir si vous partes ou non, 
afin que je puisse vous ecrire consequemment: Des Details qui pour- 
roient vous interesser dans ce Pais, vous seroient tres indifferens en 

Adieu, Mon Cher Chevalier, Ne m'oublies point, vous trouveres 
toujours en moi un Ami aussi Sincere qu'inutile. Je vous remercie de 
ce que vous dites du L l Howarth un honete homme est toujours d'un 
grand Secours. Adieu, Personne n'est plus a vous que Votre tres hble Ser 

Henry Bouquet 

This is the Original Letter from L l Colonel Bouquet dated April 18 th 
1757. given in to Lord Loudoun the 21 st of May which was the morning 
after I was called in by Col Prevost to be present at the Colonels reading 
the Copy of a Letter (to Lord Loudoun) the Original of which he said 
he had sent to His Royal Highness. 

John S t Clair L l Col: 
to the Royal American Regiment &: D.Q.M r Gen 1 . 

[Endorsed] COPY of a Letter from Lieu 1 Colonel Bouquet to Sir John S l Clair. 
Philadelphia i8' h April 7757. 

List of Commissions Granted by His Excellency 
the R T Hon ble The Earl of Loudoun x 

Rank Officers Names Dates of their Comms. 

35th Regiment 

Master William Hamilton 24 th Feb. 1757. 

Adjutant Lt James Cockburn .... 25 March 

40* h Regiment 

Ensign Robert Catherwood .... 2. April 1757 Recomended by Col 

Hobson and comes in 
Place of Ensigne Lylle 
a Shipe Master in the 
Jerseyes Put in by Mr 
Shirk who Desired to 

1 The notes are in Loudoun's handwriting. 




Officers Nanus 

Dates <>f their Coram 8 - 



Lt John Adlam 


William Catherwood . 


44th Regiment 
Bartman - 2^'' Decern" 1 

Honbie William Hervey 27th ditto 

Capt Lieut Richard Bailley 25th Decern" 1 1756 s 

Lieutenants - 

John Elwes 2j 

Royrer Relict 



John Duncan 25th April 17; 

Rcsigne on Receiving 
£50 which he sayes he 
lost in Recruting toi 
Mr Shirleys Regt 
which Mr Catherood 

Capt Lt Ross on his 
Being Promolled Sold 
the Adjutan for £300 
the Money he Payed 
for it Recomended by 
Lt Col Lorrance 
Was Surgeons Mait to 
MG Warburtons Regt 
Recomended by Col 
Hobson to Succed 
Sheen Dead 

Was a Lt in the 50* 

Reomcnded by Mr 
Fox in the most ern- 
est Manner I have ex- 
plaind this finder in 
my letter of March 
Purtchesed from Capt 
David Kennedy as 
furder Explaind in my 

Eldest Lt Promotted 
on Capt Lt Litler be- 
ing appointed a Capt 
in the Royal Ameri- 
can Regt 

Eldest Ensigne Pro- 
moted in the Succes- 
ion ocesiond by Capt 
Lt Litlers Being Pro- 
motted in an other 

Purtchesed in the Suc- 
cession of Capt Ken- 
Purtchesed from Lt 

- A natural son of Thomas Hervev. brother of the Second Earl of Bristol. 

sMillan's Army List for 1757 ranks Richard Bailev as captain lieutenant as of 
January 8, 1756. His commission, as well as those of William Littler to be captain 
in the 44th, John Elwes, and Stephen Kemble. was made out by Shirley in June, 
1756, after he had been notified of Captain William Eyre's promotion on January 
7 to a majority in England. Since the same post brought word of Shirley's recall, 
Loudoun refused to allow Shirley's commissions, and restored these officers to their 
former rank. 




Officers Names 

Dates of their Comm< 



James Abercromby 25^ Decemr 1756 

David Jenkins 27 th ditto 

Turbot Francis 25. April 1757 

45 th Regiment 
Hans Wallace 18. April 1757 

47th Regiment 


John Mercer 10th Decemr 1756. 

Captain Thomas Smelt . . 


George Mountain 

Lieutenants - 


9. ditto. 

John Morris 


James Puttenger who 
Purtchesed his Lieu- 
tenance and is Rend- 
erd intierly unfitt for 
Servie by Drink 
Appointed in the Place 
of Ensigne Rodes of 
this Country who grew 
weare of the Service 
and Resigned He is a 
Son of M. G. Aber- 

Purtchesed for £200 on 
Capt Kennedys Seal 
Purtchesed on Lt Pot- 
tengers Lead £200 

Payed Lt Rossaboon 
on his Retiring £116- 
13-4 Ensigne McKane 
got Lt Rosabomes 
Commission and Mr 
Vallae got McRancs 

Major Hall bought in 
England of Major 
Markum in the End of 
the year 1754 or 1755 
The Succession was 
left to Mr. Shirly to 
fill up by the Elest he 
never took any Stepes 
in it and Ld Loudoun 
never understood the 
Case till he meet Mr 
Lorronce at Boston in 
the last winter 

They Desired to have 
the Commissions ante- 
dated in order to 
lighten the Price to 
the Major who payes 
the greatest part of 
the Price But Ld L: 
refused to do that but 
Promised to state the 
case that H R H may 
give his orders on 
what time the Pay 
Should Commence 


Rank Officers Names Dates of their Comin». 

. f Nicholson 10. ditto. 

Ensigns -JDavid Roche 7. Feb** 1757 

Royal American Regimt 

Lieut Colonel John Young 26. April 1757. Succeded to Lt Col 

Chapman as expland 
in my letter 

Major John Tullekens 261b April 1757 In the Succession of 

Lt Col Chapman as 
expland in My letter 

Captain William Littler 25. Decern' 1756 By your Royal High- 

nes's Order Receved 
from Col Provost in 
the Room of Capt De 
Schol who Did not 

Surgeon Arthur Nicholson 25. ditto from the Hospital 

Surg's Mate Van Hulst 24. Eebry 1757 Had the care of the 

Recruts hrought from 
Germany by Col Pro- 

Chaplain Michael Schlatter 25 March. Is the leading Clarge- 

man among the Ger- 
mans in Pensilvania 
was Recomended to 
me by Mr Pen and 
Since by Col Provost 
and is a good man 

Major Capt Roger Morris 8th March 1757 To Remain in that 

Brigade Cappasity with Mr 


Dep: Qr Mr Maj: James Robertson . 8th March 1757 To Act in that Cap- 
Geni pasity with Me Dur- 

ing Sir John St Clairs 
Illness on 10 Shillings 
a Day 
Ast Dep. Qr Capt Gabriel Christie . . 8. March To Act in that Cap- 

Mr Gen. pasity with Mr Webb 

on 10 Shillings a Day 

Capt: Paul Demeri's Indept Company 
Ensign Lauchlin Mcintosh 25th Decent 1756 The Vacance hap- 

pened a Great while 
ago and the olfcer not 
returned to Me 

Capt Ezra Richmond's Indt Compy 
Lieutenant Archibald McCawlay .. . 25th Deer 1756. Recomended By Pro- 

vost, McCawley Carved 
Arms five years in Hol- 




Officers Names Dates of their Comms. 

Late Capt Hubert Marshall's Indept Compy 

Captain Chas Crookshanks 17th April 1757 The Seconed Lt in the 

Royal Americans in 
Place of Capt Harbord 
Mortial Broak by a 
Court Martial He takes 
the Company as it is 
with the Money that 
may be in the Agents 
hands and furnishes 
what is wanting to 
Compleat it 

Lieutenant John M<=Kane 18. ditto In the Place of Lt 

Rossaboom McRane 
was brought from M 
G Corveys Horse by 
Mr Webb and in the 
former List of Com- 
messions was ap- 
pointed an Ensigne in 
the 45 Lt Rossaboom 
bought his Lt from 
Goveror Clinton Payed 
the Goveror £466-13-4 
and to his Secretary 
£17-10 was an indean 
Treader and Bought 
the Commission to cary 
on his Tread with the 
more Advanage has 
been ill ever since the 
war began and Sayes 
his Disease is a Rising 
in his Throot that is 
like to Chock him 
when ever there is any 
Destoubence in the 
Canal Ensigne Wallace 
who has got McRanes 
Commission in the 45 
Payes Rossaboom 

£156-13-4 for which 
he Desired to Resigne 
I thought McKane fit- 
ter for the Independ- 
ent Company 

Capt Peter Wraxall's Indept Compy 

Lieutenant John Martin 26th April 1757. Reomended by the 

Earl of Eglinton & Ld 
Barrington caryed 

armes in the Highland 

Garrison of Annapolis Royal. 

Surgeon John Steel 7. Febry 1757 . Recomended by Lt 

Col Lor ranee 


Rank Officers Names Dales of their Comms. 


Surgs Mate John Loch 25. Decern"- 1756 

Apothry James Ross 25. ditto. 


[Endorsed] List of Commissions, granted by the Earl of Loudoun; from Decern' 
1756: to April 1757. 

Colonel James Prevost 1 to Cumberland 


Perth Amboy le 12 May 1757. 

Le Sutherland a bord duquel Je m'etois embarque a Corke le 2i me 
Octobre dernier arriva le 2o e Janvier a la nouvelle York, et des lots 
j'ai done tous mes soins a former et discipliner le Battaillon dont il a 
plu au Roi de me confier le Commandem 1 . 

Persuade que le Comte de Loudoun rend comte a votre Altesse 
Royale de tout ce qui se passe d'essentiel dans ce pais, Je ne dirai qu'un 
mot du Regiment en General et de mon Battaillon en particulier. 

Le Regiment est a environ 800 Effectifs par Battallion, Les hommes 
en General sont mauvais et l'ecume de ces Colonies. Ce que nous avons 
eu d'Irlande ne vaut pas mieux; la plupart des Regim ts se sont empres- 
ses a composer leurs Compagnies additionelles de ce qu'ils avaient de 
Viellards, dTnfirmes, d'Yvrognes et de Voleurs. A juger des autres 
Batt ons par le quatrieme Votre Altesse Royale ne sera pas trompee en 
les reduisant l'un dans l'autre a 400 passablement bons homes. 

Les Quatre Battaillons aiant ete leves en commun et la repartition 
des bas Officiers et des Recrues faites par le Sort. Je pense que le compte 
que je rens du quatrieme convient aux autres, avec cette difference que 

1 James Prevost (1725-1778), a Swiss by birth, had served in the Sardinian and 
perhaps in the French army. He was a major in the Dutch service in 1749. was 
highly recommended to Cumberland by the Princess of Orange, and proposed the 
scheme which developed into the Roval American Regiment, in which he became 
colonel commandant of the fourth battalion. Engaged in recruiting for the regiment 
in the German states, he did not join the army in America until 1757. Though he 
possessed an inventive brain and showed those qualities of adaptiveness to various 
sorts of warfare which had long distinguished the Swiss, he was unfit for high com- 
mand, being irascible and insubordinate. With the exception of a few malcontents, 
the entire British army hated and distrusted him, but for political and perhaps 
diplomatic reasons he was continued in his post until the end of the war. Most of 
his letters to Cumberland have been calendared in the appendix, as dealing with 
too insignificant a complaint to present in full. 


le premier et le second aiant ete ensemble tout l'hiver a Philadelphia 
et New York ils ont eu plus de moyens et de facilites de se discipliner 
que le troisieme et le quatrieme qui ont ete l'un et l'autre separes 
jusqu'au milieu de Mars en Cinq a Six differens Quartiers. 

Le Corps d'officiers du quatrieme Battallion est aussi bon et aussi 
bien compose qu'on puisse l'esperer dans un Regiment de nouvelle 
levee, L'experience, le Zele, et l'application de ces Messieurs me feroient 
esperer de rendre tel celui des bas Officiers sans la difference des Princi- 
pes, des Moeurs, et de la Langue qui forment des obstacles que je 
comence a croire absolument insurmontables. 

Je supplie votre Altesse Royale de se rapeller mes craintes sur le 
succes de ce melange, L'evenement les justifie; Avec beaucoup de Zele, 
d'Activite, et les intentions les plus droites, j'ai eu le malheur de deplaire 
a My Lord, et ce qui augmente encore le chargrin que j'en ressens, C'est 
que je l'ai meritte, en manquant de prudence & de menagem 1 a son 
egard. Si Votre Altesse Royale joint a cela le desavantage que me done 
la qualite d'Etranger, l'envie, et la jalousie que ses bontes m'ont suscite, 
Elle sentira d'abord combien j'occupe inutilement une place dans 
laquelle sans Authorite on ne peut que nuire au bien du service. 

Je laisse a My Lord a rendre compte de ma conduite particuliere, 
de mon application, des talens que je puis avoir et des progres qu'a 
fait le quatrieme Battaillon sous ma direction; Mais je croirois manquer 
a la fidelite que je dois au Roi et a ma respectueuse Reconnoissance 
pour votre Altesse Royale si je me taisais sur la situation ou je me trouve, 
et si je ne donnois pas a considerer s'il ne servit pas convenable au 
bien du service de me Rapeller en Angleterre et de mettre a ma place 
un Ofhcier plus agreable a My Lord, qui joignit a mes bonnes inten- 
tions plus d'Experience et de talens militaires avec plus de prudence 
et de circonspection. 

Au Surplus Monseigneur je declare a Votre Altesse Royale avec la 
meme sincerite que je me suis devoue au Service de sa Majeste, que je 
ferai tout ce qui sera en mon pouvoir pour gagner les bonnes graces 
de My Lord et que je continuerai a force de Zele, d'activite, d'obeis- 
sance et par un travail continuel a suppleer a ce qui me manque de 
support de sa part et de talens de la mienne. 

Je joins ici quelques observations que j'ai cru devoir soumettre aux 
lumieres de Votre Altesse Royale; je m'estimerai tres heureux si elles 
peuvent contribuer au bien du service de sa Majeste, si la volonte du 
Roi ou les ordres de Votre Altesse Royale me rappelloient a Londres 
apres la Campagne je serois a portee de demontrer d'une Maniere 


sensible l'utilite d'un Plan forme sur ces obversations et de faire voir 
la possibility et meme la facilite de l'executer: Rien ne seroit plus 
propre a diminuer les depenses de la Nation et a faire prosperer les 
Armes du Roi; Je concois ties humblem' que je me rendrois par la 
plus utile au service de sa Majestc que je ne puis esperer de le devenir 
ici dans les circonstances ou je me trouve. 

Je Supplie Votre Altesse Royale de me pardonner la hardiesse que 
j'ai prise de I'entretenir si lontems, j'aurois voulu pouvoir garder le 
silence on n'obeir a l'ordre qu'il Lui a plu de me donner de lui ecrire 
que pour rendre compte de mes obversations et exprimer la parfaite 
soumission et le profond Respect dont mon coeur est Remplie pour 
Votre Altesse Royale 

jA e Prevost 
[one enclosure] 

Memoire sur la Guerre d'Amerique 


Pour se faire une idee juste de ce qu'on connoit de la Partie Septentrio- 
nale de ce Yaste Continent, il est necessaire de se representer une forest 
immense et continuelle coupee de grandes Rivieres d'un nombre de 
Torrents et de beaucoup de Lacs dont les pais occupes par les Anglois 
et les francois font une partie infiniment petite qui peuvent etre 
compares avec beaucoup de verite aux trouees qu'on trouve dans les 
forets de la pologne, Pour ne pas s'etendre trop Sur ce Sujet il est a 
propos de se borner aux Etablissements de ces deux Nations en obser- 
vant qu'il y a cette difference entre eux que les habitations des Anglois 
s'etendent au long de la Mer du Nord Sur une ligne courbe sans 
penetrer dans les terres a plus de 60 lieues et que celles des francois 
torment en quelque Sorte la perpendiculaire par la tete qu'ils avancent 
de Montreal au fort du Quesne en prenant la sage precaution d'assurer 
leurs comunications par des forts qui les rendent Maitres du Comerce 
des pelleteries et tiennent les Nations Indiennes dans leurs Dependances. 

De Cet expose il est naturel de penser que les Troupes destinees a 
servir dans cette partie du Continent doivent etre levees habillees 
Armees, disciplinees, payees & entretenues sur un pied different des 
Regiments d'Europe. 

Les Recrues doivent etre choisies avec soin & Composees d'hommes, 
sobres, jeunes, forts, robustes capables de suporter une ties grande fati- 
gue, le nature du pais y rend la Guerre extremement rude, La Pensyl- 


vanie, les Jerseys, la Nouvelle York, et la Nouvelle Angleterre peuvent 
aisement fournir 8 a 10,000 tels homines san nuire a L'Agriculture & 
Surcharger ces provinces. 

L'Habillement de cette troupe devroit etre Un Manteau d'un bon 
drap bien refoule Sc leger, que le Soldat porteroit roule et lie comme 
il fait Sa Couverte de laine, une verte longue les Manches aisees, le 
Corps large et croisant sur la poitrine la Culote longue et large, les botti- 
nes de Cuir joignant la culotte au dessous de la Jointure du genouil 
ou mieux encore le Jupon Ecossois un peu change, et la Chaussure 
Indienne, deux paires de souliers de la meilleure espece, un bonnet a 
l'Allemande dont le Casque seroit de Cuir bouilli et battu, et le derri- 
ere de veau tourne qui pouvant se baisser sur les Epaules le garantiroit 
du froid et de la pluye, Une Seconde Chemise feroit tout l'Attii ail dont 
il faudroit embarrasser le soldat. 

L'Arme seroit un fusil leger et plus court de quatre pouces que les 
notres pourveu d'une bayonette tranchante longue de deux pieds selon 
le modele donne a S.A.R. en 1755. Le soldat devroit etre pourveu de 
poudre et de balle en aussi grande quantite qu'il est possible et devroit 
la porter de la maniere la plus propre a la preserver de l'Eau et du feu. 

Cette Troupe devroit etre exercee a tirer au blanc dans toutes sortes 
de Situations, A Marcher en raquettes courir sauter nager; obeir au 
Siflet etre pourveus d'un nombre de chiens dresses a chasser les Sau- 
vages, Elle devra etre instruite aussi a Combattre en Colomnes et a se 
former en bataille, Chaque Mille homes devroit etre pourveu de 6 
pieces de Canon depuis 3 jusqu'a 6 11 [lb.] de balles, et de 6 haubits 
servant a jetter des grenades et des feux d'artifice de toute espece. 

Un Nombre de Soldats dans Chaque Compagnie devroit etre capa- 
ble de construire et conduire les batteaux ou Canaux necessaires pour 
la Navigation des Lacs. 

Les Artisans & Soldats de toute espece requise dans la composition 
de cette Troupe devroit etre repartie egalement dans chaque Compag- 
nie, en sorte que chacune d'elles peut agir seule comme en Corps. 

La paye devroit etre un Shelling Sterling par jour, Celle des Artisans 
Canoniers, Nageurs, bas Officiers et Officiers a proportion. 

On ne fourniroit de provisions a cette Troupe que lors qu'on l'enver- 
roit a la Guerre, Ses Provisions devroient consister en farine, de bled 
d'Inde, Clams, & pore Sale, En Ete on y pourroit joindre quelques 
boeufs distribues aux Comp es . Et les Commandants de Corps devroient 
apporter la plus grande attention a menager cette partie de la nour- 
ritures, Les deux premiers articles sont legers et nourrissants, et sont en 
usage ches les Indiens et Canadiens dans leurs Expeditions. 


L'Expose cy dcssus suffit pour donner une Idee generale du projet, il 
reste a dire que la depense de cette Troupe en terns de Guerre n'ex- 
cedera pas celle du meme nombre de troupes reglees en ce pais, et qu'en 
terns de paix on pourroit Conserver un fond suffisant pour etrc d'abord 
prepare a la guerre par la seulc augmentation des Compagnies, ce qui 
ne couteroit pas au dela de £60,000 Stg par an au Gouvernem 1 ce que 
Les Colonies sont tres en etat de supporter, bien entendu qu'elles n'au- 
roient rien a demeler avec Le Commandement 011 le payement de la 

Un tel Corps seroit en etat de ravager le Canada a tout instant feroit 
respecter les Anglois par les Nations Indienncs, et assuroit par la 
Crainte leur Amitie et le Commerce lucratif qu'on fait avec elles. En 
travaillant sur ce plan on donncroit du jeu aux forces des Colonies qui 
n'ont besoin que de cela pour etre infiniment superieurs a toutes celles 
que la France y a actuellement, ou qu'elle Sera en etat d'y envoyer aussi 
longtems que nous conserverons la superiority sur Mer. 

Dans Cette Troupe qui Seroit en effet le Regiment Royal Americain 
il conviendroit de donner des Comissions a toutes les jeunes gens de 
famille du pays qui auroient quelque Inclination de Servir dans le Mili- 
taire ce qui faciliteroit infiniment la levee & contribueroit a attacher de 
plus en plus ces Colonies au Gouvernement. 

L'Execution de ce plan eviteroit au Gouvernement la necessite et la 
depence d'envoyer de la Grande Bretagne des troupes disciplinees a 
rEuropeeiie que ne seront jamais propres qu'a garder les Villes et les 
Provinces exposees ou a executer quelque Entreprise par Mer sur les 
Isles franchises, Le Cap Breton, la Louisiane ou le Canada par le 
fleuve S l laurent, dont le success sera toujours tres precaire veu le 
nombre des Circonstances qui peuvent les faire echouer qu'on ne sau- 
roit ni prevoir ni prevenir. 

A la paix ce Corps devroit former une Colonie Militaire qui s'eta- 
bliroit dans telle partie du pais que le Gouvernem 1 jugeroit la plus 
convenable ce qui feroit d'abord par la reduction des Compagnies, et 
ensuite en congediant chaque Annee le nombre d'hommes dont le 
terme seroit fini, et qui desireroient de s'etablir, On fourniroit a ces 
soldats Congedies les Instruments propres au labourage, la demie paye 
la premiere annee et dans la suite un Sol Sterling par jour a condition 
d'exercer de passer revue et de faire le Service Militaire que le Roy 
ou Ses Generaux leur prescriroient, II est aise de sentir combien un 
pared Establissement contribueroit a la seurete des frontieres, des Prov- 
inces de Caroline, Virginie et de Pensylvanie, En meme terns qu'il 
previendroit qu'aucune Insulte fut faite aux Provinces Situees plus 


a l'Est par la promptitude avec laquelle Cette Troupe toujours prete 

pourroit se porter partout ou il seroit besoin. 

[Endorsed] Memoire du Colonel Prevost, sur la Guerre d'Amerique: May 1757. 

Colonel James Prevost to Cumberland 


New York Le 23° May 1757 

Ma lettre du ia e May fut ecrite a la fin d'avril, et datee du terns que 
je prevoiois que le paquet mettroit a la voile. Des Lors il s'est passe 
diverses choses, qui me font sentir tous les jours d'avantage combien 
je Suis inutile au Service du Roi, et m'obligent a me jetter aux pieds 
de Votre Altesse Roiale, pour la Supplier de m'emploier ailleurs ou 
de permettre que je me retire: Ma Situation est plus malheureuse 
que je ne puis l'exprimer? Mon Respect en epargne les details a Votre 
Altesse Roiale: J'en ai touche un mot au General Napier qui sans 
doute lui en rendra compte. Je me refere a celui que My Lord Loudoun 
vous rend, Monseigneur, au Sujet des Commissions quil a donne aux 
offkiers etrangers que Votre Altesse Roiale a attirez au Service du Roi: 
M r de Bonneville l'un des plus distingues, le quel a ete eleve a la suite 
du Marechal de Saxe pendant le derniere guerre et qui apres la mort de 
ce General a Servi le Roi de Prusse en qualite de Capitaine Ingenieur 
de Campagne a la Suite de Sa Majeste, n'a pas juge a propos de Rece- 
voir Sa Commission, parce que My Lord n'a pas voulu lui donner le 
rang d'anciennete qui lui avoit ete promis. Je ne saurois cependant 
vous dissimuler, Monseigneur, que sa veritable raison de ne la pas ac- 
cepter, etoit moins la date, que les desagremens, les humiliations et les 
dangers aux quels nous sommes continuellement exposez, par la haine, 
1'envie et la jalousie du reste de l'armee contre nous, L'acceuil qu'il a 
re<:u en arrivant, la facon dont il a vu que nous etions traitez, qui est la 
consequence naturelle du peu d'egard et de protection que My Lord 
nous accorde lui a fait prendre ce parti. J'ai fait tout ce qui a ete en 
mon pouvoir pour Ten detourner, mais inutilement. La Justice que 
tout le monde rend a Sa Capacite et aux connoissances qu'il a dans 
le metier, me donne bien du regret de le perdre: La Conduite qu'il a 
tenu avec les 170 hommes qu'il a amenez ici apres un voiage de Six 
mois en mer, le rend bien digne de Louange de tous les Militaires, par 
la facon dont il les a disciplinez et par la belle deffense qu'il a fait 
contre des Corsaires francois, avec un vaissau qui faisoit eau de tout 
cote et pret de couler a font a tout moment. II Seroit en etat d'informer, 


Votre Altesse Roiale, dc bien des particuliaritez sil peut avoir l'honneur 
d'etre admis aupres d'clle. J'ai tires parolle de lui, qu'il ne serviroit 
pas pendant cette guerre en Ameriquc contre les troupes du Roi. J'ai 
juge cette precaution necessaire dans les circonstances ou nous sommes, 
vis a vis d'un officier aussi claii voiant. 

Les Majors Yo[u]ng et Robertson, Le Chev pr de St. Clair lui meme a 
qui j'avois donne ma tonfiance accause de l'estime que Votre altesse 
Roiale m'avoit parru avoir pour lui, sont les gens qui prennent soin 
d'aigrir My Lord contre moi, et qui ne trouvant aucune prise sur ma 
conduite, ont recours aux insinuations et a L'artifice en donnant des 
fausses Couleurs a toutes mes actions: Ce sont eux qui me procurent 
dans l'exercise de ma charge, tous les desagremens qu'il est au pouvoir 
d'un General en chef de donner a un Colonel; de facon que je me 
trouve sans authorite ni consideration. 

J'ai reflechi Serieusement, Sur les Moyens de tirer parti des offkieres 
etrangers, et je n'en appercois plus d'autre, que Celui de les mettre en 
un corps, en laissant a celui que Votre Altesse Roiale choisira pour 
les commander, la nommination de ses officiers sous l'approbation du 
General en Chef. L'Article de ne pouvoir servir qu'en Amerique, nous 
donne un discredit etonant, on nous regarde dans ce pays et meme a 
L'armee comme d'un ordre inferieur d'officiers a peu pres comme les 
Marrines sont regardez en Angleterre. On pourroit tirer parti de ce 
desavantage meme pour en faire un corps tel que celui que je propose 
dans mon memoire. Je Vous Supplie, Monseigneur, de me pardonner 
les Libertez que je prend dans cette Lettre, elles me sont dictees par 
l'amour du bien et de la verite. Je ne desire rien plus que d'obtenir 
l'approbation de votre altesse Roiale, pour qui je suis penetre de Re- 
connoissance, de Soumission et de Respect. 

jA es Prevost 

Barrington 1 to Cumberland - 


Cavendish Square 3 d June 1757 

The same uncertain situation of Office has prevented any thing 
being done finally with relation to the Enquiry into M r Shirley's con- 
duct; on which subject I should not have troubled your R.H. just 

1 William Wildman Barrington, Viscount Barrington ('717-1793), was secretary at 
war from 1755 to 1761, and from 1765 to 1778. 

- Paragraphs in this letter not relating to American affairs have been omitted. 


now, if I had not found it mention'd in your Letter to Gen 1 Napier. 
I could not get the Papers relating to Gen 1 Shirley from the Secretary 
of State's Office till a day or two before M r Pitt was dismiss'd; and tho' 
on perusal of them I found many charges, I discover'd no Proofs. The 
Papers I have since received from your R.H. contain nothing more 
than Charges, or at least no Proofs which can be authenticated; nor do 
those in the Plantation Office. I apprehend I shall find none in some 
other Papers which Napier has wrote for. Now Sir, an Enquiry with- 
out Evidence can answer no good purpose; and I see no way of geting 
Evidence but by sending for it to Lord Loudoun, and apprising him 
of the intended inquiry. I find his Lordship in some of his Letters 
mentions an intention to appoint Persons who should draw up a 
charge and collect Evidence in support of it to be sent hither; and 
I wish he had not afterwards lay'd aside this design. I was very much 
surprised on reading the Papers to find no better materials for an 
Enquiry, and Lord Halifax agrees with Gen 1 Napier and me, that 
so defective an Enquiry must either produce a report that nothing 
can be done; or what is worse a justification of M r Shirley on a partial 
hearing: The Hopes of the last make him very impatient and urgent 
for it; but I will not venture to carry any Warrant to the King, till I 
have your R.H.'s farther Orders; and I conceive that you would have 
the whole of the Case as it now appears to be, lay'd before the King's 
Servants, there being a mixture of Consideration of State in it, as well 
as of Military discipline. 

As yet I have not officially mention'd anything of this matter to 
any of the Minister's; but whenever another Secretary of State shall 
be named I will not lose a moment in bringing the whole before him, for 
his own Consideration and that of the rest of the King's Servants. . . . 

The gracious Postscript added to the Letter I last received from your 
R.H. is more than all I can ever do will deserve. It has always been my 
wish that the whole Kingdom might know as well as I do, how much this 
Country is served and obliged by the constant Care and Attention, as 
well as ability with which the Army is superintended by your R.H. It 
is particularly my duty to declare this truth, at all times and in all 
places; because I know it better than others. I am greatly obliged to those 
who have so favourably reported me to your R.H. whose Approbation 
is justly my greatest pleasure and Pride. I have also a just Sense of your 
intended Goodness to my brother at a proper time; and as that time 
cannot well happen till after your return, I am now angry with my 
self for having presumed unnecessarily to trouble your R.H. about 
him, which I did intircly without his knowlege or desire. I submit him 


and myself intirely to your good pleasure and I am with the greatest 
duty and respect Sir Your Royal Highness's Most humble & Most de- 
voted Servant 

Barring 1 on 

[Endorsed] Cav: Square; June the f 7757 Lord Barrington to H:R:H: Rcc d 
the ly. Ans d the Same Day. 

Loudoun to Cumberland 


New York, April 25: 1757. 
concluded, June y 1757. 

The last Packet bringing nothing but Duplicates of the Letters of 
Dec[ember] was a very great Disapointment to me, as they contain only 
a Promise of a Plan which I am to prepare for before it arrives or before 
I know where I am to meet the Reinforcements, so that I do not see a 
Possibility of moving till the next Letters arrive and the Season is 
far advanced. 

The Letter I had the Honour to write to your Royal Highness before 
I set out to Philadelphia would show you the Plan I was preparing for, 
and my Publick Letter now will show you the General Situation of 

I have gone no further in that Letter, imagining that it was more 
proper to reserve the more minute Military part for my Letter to your 
Royal Highness. 

The first thing I shall mention is the Command in the different 
Places where Troops are to be. In this I am obliged to take my 
Measures on the People I have on the Spot, for I have not from any 
Quarter the least Intimation of who or what Corps come out, nor can 
I form any Guess who the Officers will be. 

As Mr Webb is the third in Command here, I can not doubt that 
his Situation of now acting as a Major General with the Pay by your 
orders has occurred to you, from whence I imagine there will be no 
elder Colonel sent out without particular Orders how I am to act. 

I have no doubt that my Post is With the greatest Number of the 
Regular Troops, destined for the most material Service, therefore I 
go with the Expedition. 

And as Colonel Dussaux and next to him Col: Prevost are the Senior 
Officers in the Troops that go on this Service, I think it absolutely 
necessary for the Service to have a Second in case of any Accident 


happening to me, and as the Command is material, I have pitched 
on M.G. Abercromby to go along with me. 

As to Mr Webb, I have given the Account I received when I was 
absent from him. When I was here, you have had an account of his 
Health as it realy was. When I returned from Philadelphia, he was 
very low spirited and could bear no Noise. I was obliged to have him 
present at several Conversations with Colonel Prevost, whose Memory 
is short and makes it necessary on many Occasions to have a Witness, 
or the Colonel forgets what was settled half an hour before; but the 
Colo[nel's] Voice and Impetuosity overcame him so much, that he could 
not bear it, and in general was forced to retire, but he is at present much 

I have been forced to go into this Digression in order to show your 
Royal Highness the Difficulty I labour under, in appointing one to 
Command at the Forts, and of giving him proper Assistance. 

Mr Webb has the Command, the next to him is Lieut. Col° Monro, 
an old Officer but never has served. Major Fletcher the next. The other 
Battalion is a present commanded by Major Prevost, who is very new 
in such an office, but I shall have Occasion to give my Reasons for this 
opinion before my Letter is closed. 

I have left with Mr Webb a power to grant Warrants for the Pay of 
the Troops and for carrying on the necessary Works and other Con- 

I have likewise given him a power to hold Courts Martial and to 
confirm or respite in the case of Private Men. 

It appeard to me that as I may be absent for Six or Eight Months, 
perhaps longer, the Service could not go on without it. I shall enclose 
a Copy of his Instructions and likewise of his Queries and the Answers to 
them. You will see by them that Diffidence that a Man without Health, 
especially when the Disease is on his Spirits, naturally has. And that 
Diffidence made it impossible for me to get him to his Post without 
giving him positive Orders, which would have sunk him all at once. 

The third Command I have given to Colonel Stanwix in Pensilvania, 
as being the next eldest officer. He has five Companys of his own Bat- 
talion, the Remains of the Pensilvania Troops, those of Maryland, Vir- 
ginia, and the North Carolina People. I have directed for his Outsett, 
subject to what Alterations he sees necessary, his posting himself with 
the five Companys in the Neighbourhood of Carlisle as a middle Station, 
from whence he can distribute his Orders and be in a Situation to sup- 
port either Fort Cumberland, Fort Augusta at Shemockin, or to support 
Philadelphia, if it is attacked by Sea, 


I have directed thai I lis Bills for the Pay of the five Companys should 
l>c answered, he sending a signed Return of his Effectives along with 
it. And I have given him a Credit for Contingencies not exceeding 
£1500, as he must provide Carriages. If that Sum is not sufficient he 
may apply to General Webb, but four hundered Miles 1 thought was 
too great to apply at on every Occasion. 

I send the other half of the first Battalion to South Carolina undet 
the Command of Lieutenant Colonel Bouquet, where your Royal 
Highness will sec that the Troops of different Sorts will amount to 
two thousand Men, which is a great Command for a Lieut. Colonel 
just come into the Service. And here I may meet with Blame, but the 
Light this appears in to me, and from whence I have taken my Measures, 
is: after Colonel Stanwix is employed, I have but two Colonels, in my 
opinion better employed with me than on a separate Command. There- 
fore I take them along with me, at the Head of their own Battalions. 
The next Officer is Colonel Monro. That Battalion is in Mr Webb's 
Division and requires both the Field Officers, tho it is much mended, 
and Mr Webb thinks himself too weak already, but I hope Your Royal 
Highness will not be of that Opinion. Either of the Lieut. Colonels of 
the 44 th or 48 th Regiments would have done well, but I could not want 
them from the Regiments, whom I look on as the best Corps I have 
here. Lieut. Colonel Bouquet is the next, and is pointed out by be- 
longing to the Corp that goes to that Country. I have sent with him 
Pay for the five Companys compleat to Christmas, in Bills to be negoti- 
ated there. The Method of managing them is settled by the Contractor's 
Agents. I send it compleat altho they are not so at present with Orders 
to be accountable for the Pay of the noneffectives, as I hope they will 
soon be compleated in that Country and North Carolina, from whence 
we have had very few Recruits on account of the great distance. 

I have given Orders both to him and Col. Stanwix, who is posted in 
the best recruiting Country we have, not only to compleat their Battal- 
ion, but to enlist as many more as they possibly can, to be ready to 
recruit the other three Battalions at the end of the Campaign. As I have 
kept the money matters of the four Battalions in one common Fund, 
it will make no Confusion. 

I have given Lieut. Col. Bouquet Bills to the Amount of £2500 for 
Contingencies and to assist him in Recruiting if he has Success. 

The Reason of entrusting him with so large a Sum is that I can not 
remit him Money from hence, and the length of the time I shall probably 
be absent. 

Your Royal Highness has the Return of the Troops, but I am not 


yet able to inform you of the exact Number that will be on each Com- 
mand, as I shall leave all the Invalids belonging to the Battalions that 
go with me and join them to the Battalions with Mr Webb, for in my 
Situation I must keep the Hospital as low as possible, or it will grow 

I have been obliged to make several Additions to the Staff. I ac- 
quainted Your Royal Highness of Sir John St Clair's Illness. I thought 
he must have died, but Doctor Huck, since he has employed him, finds 
that it is an Ulcer in his Kidneys and has recovered him greatly, but 
will not be able to serve this Campaign. I have appointed Major Robert- 
son to act in his Place, in the mean time he has ten Shillings a Day; he 
must have an Assistant with five Shillings a Day. I have continued Cap- 
tain Christie and Mr. Leslie who were Deputys of Sir John's to act 
under Mr Webb, the Duty there can not be done with fewer. 

As Col Stanwix's Battalion is divided between him and his Lieut. 
Col., and each of them have a great Number of Men under their Com- 
mand, I have allowed of an Additional Adjutant and Quartermaster 
for the time they are so separated, at two Shillings a Day each. 

I have been forced to encrease the Hospital from the many parts I 
am forced to divide the Troops into on this Occasion. I have appointed 
Mr Napier the Director to act as first Surgeon, as Mr Middleton did 
in Flanders under your Royal Highness. I mention the Precedent only 
to justifie the Manner, for it was the want of Numbers made me come 
into the Measure. 

Besides the additional Surgeons Mate to each Battalion, I have for 
the Campaign added of Mates five for the Expedition, three to the 
Hospital at Albany, one Mate for the Troops at Number 4 and one for 
the People at the Forts on the Mohawk River, who has likewise the 
Charge of the Indians; and I have given one to Lieut. Col Bouquet's 
Command, as I could not send those five Companys to that Sickly 
Country with one Mate, where they could have no supply in case of his 
being sick. 

I have appointed Captain Roger Morris Major of Brigade with Mr 
Webb, he is in the 48 th Regt. With such a Number of People as he has 
under his Command, he can not be without an Officer in that Sta- 

I send your Royal Highness a List of Commissions, with Notes, but 
as some of them require longer Explanations than are proper for such 
a Paper I shall beg leave to give you them in my Letter. 

Before I received Orders to break the two Regts. I had brought Lieut. 
Nat: Williams of the 51 st Regt to a Court Martial who broke him. 


On my Return from Philadelphia I found Captain Hubard Martial's 
[Marshall] Independent Company about half Compleat, no Money or 
Credit to pay the Men or clear the Quarters, no Camp Ecmipage pro- 
vided, tho ordered at the End of the Campaign. I ordered one of my 
Aid de Camps to advance Money to a Lieutenant of the Company to 
clear the Quarters, as the Company had orders to march. As soon as 
they arrived here, I brought the Captain to a Court Martial for Neglect 
of Duty, Disobedience of Orders, and embe/eling the Funds of the 

They broke him but with great Difficulty. This is the first Court 
Martial I have had any Difficulty with. They took a compassionate 
Turn for the Man's Poverty, tho he has been for twenty Years the 
worst Capt with the worst Company in the King's Service. 

I have given the Company to Lieut. Crookshanks of the Royal Ameri- 
cans, on condition of his taking it as it is, paying all Debts due by the 
Company, and recruiting it at his own Expence, beyond what Ballance 
may be in the Agent's Hands. The Expence will be upwards of £400. 
The former Captain says he has about £300 in the Agent's Hands. This 
I do not believe, for last Summer he told me he had £500 in his Hands 
which turned out at June last to be under £40. I shall send the Agent 
Orders to stop what ever Money is in his Hands till the Debts are paid 
and the Company compleated. The Debts I mean are Money advanced 
for the Subsistance of the Company. In case your Royal Highness is 
[not] in town I have orderd him to apply to M:G: Napier in relation 
to this Order. 

Lieut. Crookshanks was entirely a Stranger to me when I came to 
this Country, but he has been severely wounded in the Service, is a dil- 
ligent Officer, and seems to me a proper Man for an Independent 

I should have given this Company to Lieut. Ogilvie, who is the eldest 
Subaltern in those Company's that is able to do Duty, but he was on 
the Mohawk River, and I had no Reason to believe he had the Money- 
necessary to set the Company in Motion. He served in Flanders and 
is a good Officer, but an opportunity immediately offered of promot- 
ing him, and as he was an elder Lieut. I have given him the Rank. 

Captain Richmond arrived from Boston with his Companv not half 
compleated, tho he had his Choice of his recruiting Quarter. This is 
the Capt. Lieut, of M. G. Shirley's Regt. to whom he gave the Independ- 
ent Company, and I had Orders to supersede him if I saw Reason. 
There appeard no Reason when I arrived for making Use of that 
power, but when he came down from the German Flatts he brought a 


very bad Company with him. I then told him his Situation, and what 
the Consequence would be if he did not make it a good one by the 
opening of the Campaign. When he returned with the Company in 
this Condition, I lost all Patience; he was frighted for a Court Martial 
and proposed to M.G. Abercromby to sell for £300, I accepted of the 
Offer and a Friend of Lieut. Ogilvie's in this Town offered to pay down 
the Money. 

This made two Lieuts. vacant in the Independent Companys here 
and an Ensigncy in those in South Carolina, from whom at last I have 
got a Return. I have given those three Vacancies to Volunteers who had 
carry 'd Arms several Years, who I think fit for them but are People 
who ought never to go higher than Lieuts. I have sent one of them 
to South Carolina by whom I expect constant Accounts of the real 
Situation and Management of those Corps. 

Captain David Kennedy, who has been in the 44th since the Regt 
was raised and who was brought into the Service by the Recommenda- 
tion of Lt. G: Sir James Campbell, was ill when he came here and has 
been greatly afflicted by Fluxes and the Rhumatism, has sold his Com- 
pany to Lt. Harvie [Hervey] Brother to the Earl of Bristol. 

These are the Reasons he assigns for selling, but the real State of the 
Case is that altho he has been in general ill since he came to this 
Country, he is now very able to serve, but Major Eyre being put over 
him in the Regiment has made him give over the thoughts of being a 
Soldier, and applied to me to get out as soon as I arrived, and I have 
staved it off till now, and as he is of great Use to me in Elections in the 
Shire of Air, I have now agreed to it, which I hope your Royal Highness 
will excuse, as I tell you the Case fairly. 

The next is Lieut. Col. Chapman. Enclosed your Royal Highness 
has a Copy of his Letter to me. I do not think him so ill as he does 
himself, but on the other hand he has done no Duty, and that Battalion 
has been taken no care of which did not come to my knowledge till 
lately as they were in Maryland, I obliged to be to the Northward, M. G. 
Abercromby at Albany, and Mr Webb ill here, who was destined for 
the Southern Command, and the Field Officers making no Complaints 
of any thing wrong. But I am told by every body that Major Prevost 
knows nothing of commanding a Battalion, and I must own that when 
I followed their Route from Philadelphia I saw nothing to contradict 
that Report, for I found their Sick and Men ill of the Small Pox left 
all Scattered over the Country without any Person or any Money to 
support and take care of them, their Arms and Accoutrements left in 
the same Manner. As the Major commanded, I thought this too strong 


a Proof of what I had heard, and altho I had not agreed to Lieut. 
Col. Chapman's Request when he first made it, I began to think it 
necessary for the Service that there should be another Field Officer 
with that Battalion, even when the King should be pleased to appoint 
a Col. to it, and have agreed to Lieut. Col. Chapman's resigning his 
Commission, and half the Pay of it, and selling his Company for £1200, 
the Price that has been given here, and have promoted Major John 
Young to be Lieut. Col. on Major's Pay, and Capt. Tulikin to be Major 
on Captain's Pay. The one is the Eldest Major in America, the other the 
eldest Captain in the Royal Americans. Major Tulikin will make as 
good a Major as any in the Service, and I think I can answer for Lieut. 
Col. Young's making that a good Battalion. Besides, as he remains with 
Mr Webb, he will be an usefull Man for settling Points with the Pro- 
vincials, as he is a sensible cool Man, and indeed I think will be of 
great use to him on many Occasions. 

Major Tulikin I send with Lieut. Col. Bouquet, in order to prevent 
the Command falling into the Hands of Provincial Officers, in case 
of any Accident happening to Lt. Col. Bouquet, for that Command is 
at too great a Distance to be able to apply Remedys if any Accident 

I hesitated much more on agreeing to Lieut. Col. Chapman's going 
out, altho it was plain he will be of no use to us, than I should other- 
wise have done, on account of Major Young's being his Successor, as 
I was afraid it might have the appearance of a Job to your Royal High- 
ness, from the Major's being almost the only Man here connected with 
me; but I hope it will not appear in this Light to you. 

I have agreed to Lieut. Pottinger of the 44th selling out. He bought 
his Commission, and is entirely a Sot. 

So far I had writ of this Letter, when the Ferret Sloop arrived, on the 
First of May after Dinner, by which I had the Honor of a Letter from 
your Royal Highness and letters from the Ministers, with the Plan of 
operations, and Directions to take up Transports &c and an Account 
of the Succors coming out, with a large Train of Artillery and six En- 

On the ii ,h of May the Packet arrived with Mr Pitt's Letters of 
Febr. 19 th with additional Instructions and Copies of those to the 
Admirals and Directions about Captures and the List of the Ordnance 
and warlike Stores. The Packet informs me that the Fleet was not 
sail'd, that he had met on the 18 th of March 11 of the Transports at 
Sea going to Cork, who put back to Falmouth; from whence I conclude 
I shall be at Halifax before them, as the three Regiments from Albany 


are all arrived now, May 14 th , but five Companys of the 42* who are 
on their way and 200 of the Rangers. There are likewise wanting five 
of the Transports, who I expect this Night with some Provisions that 
I expect with them. The only thing I can forsee that can stop us is 
Sailors, which I think we shall be able to get. The Troops are all 
encamped, ready to embark, except those I mentioned above. 

Your Royal Highness with your usual Goodness and that Attention 
you have for the carrying on the Service everywhere has supply'd us 
extremly well with Artillery and every thing necessary in that Branch, 
so far as I can see from the Return. 

I should have been glad to have known who the Engineers are that 
come out, in order to have made the Division here. From private Letters 
from People of the Ordnance to their Friends here I find that Dugal 
Campbell comes out, who is older than Mr Montresor, for which Reason 
and because Mr Webb thinks himself weak in that Article and that I 
do not think he will be of any great Use to me, I have determined to 
leave Mr Montresor here. 

I had, till I had those Letters, determined to have carryed most of 
the People belonging to the Train, leaving only a Proportion for the 
Forts, but since I find there is so large a Proportion coming out, I leave 
Capt. Ord, and only take with me a small Detachment, almost all of 
those that were brought from Halifax, to manage the Field Guns and 
the 4 light 12 Pounders which I carry from hence, thinking they will 
be necessary for the Defense of our Corps[Camps]. By this Disposition 
Mr Webb will have Six light 12 Pounders and some old Brass 6 Pound- 
ers, besides Mortars 8cc, in case he finds it proper to proceed, with 
Captain Ord and most of the remaining People of the Artillery, with 
Mr. Montresor Gordon and Williamson Engineers, and some of the 
forreign Engineers and Artilery Men. 

I shall make no Observation farther than to say it was well we had 
got so far in providing before the regular Orders arrived, which had 
so very long a Passage from England. We shall be late now, but we 
should have been much later if we had not. 

I have chose not to fix the Operations absolutely till we arrive at 
Halifax and meet with the Admiral. My Letters point out Louisbourg 
strongly, I don't choose to say more, but the Season I think incline 
both Sir Charles Hardy and M. G. Abercromby to think that the likely 
Plan. If that takes Place, I doubt it will be too late for going up the 
River, so that the Campaign will in that case end in Nova Scotia. I 
mean nothing definitive in what I say here, but if I may use the Phrase, 
I would think aloud to your Royal Highness. If the French Fleet are 


there before us the Sailors tell me we can do nothing except we tan 
first beat them. But this I will assure your Royal Highness, that nothing 
shall be left undone that I am able to perform. 

1 shall have the honour to write a short Letter as soon as I get to 
Sea. I have ordered the i Kt Battalion of the Royal Americans to be 
mustered compleat. In the first place, 1 think we have enlisted more 
men than to compleat the whole, and this I shall see in a few days, but 
what made me muster them so at this time was, part of them going 
at so great a Distance, 1 have no chance of being able to muster them 
again for some time; and I mean this only for clearing their Accounts 
at the Pay Offices, at the same time being accountable for the Disposal 
of the Non effective Fund as directed. 

The Expence of luting out the Men before a Campaign in this 
Country, where all must be provided before they take the Field, every- 
thing at such extravagant Prices that you will not believe me when f 
tell you that the four Battalions of the Royal Americans are near £6000 
in Debt to the Officers, and how that will be stopt I do not see. I must 
beg that I may be allowed to let the Captfains] have the four Men for 
the Companys at 100, as your R. H. allowed them 3 Men at 70. All the 
Allowance I had was to advance Money out of the Non Effective Money 
for Recruiting. 

This Letter has been begun a great while, and yet I am forced to 
send it to Your Royal Highness without Correction or being able to 
copy it. 

I have been in the greatest Distress for want of Money, for by the 
Negligence of the Contractors' Agents I have been reduced to £3000, 
with many small Demands remaining to satisfy and in Apprehensions 
of reducing the Publick Credit as low as I found it, besides having 
nothing in Hand to maintain the Troops the whole Campaign; but at 
last I have an Account from the Contractors Agents at Boston that by 
a Letter from the Contractors, which came by the last Packet to this 
Post, he has the Account of £63000 [£36,000] J being shipt in the Fleet. 
Had any of the Offices wrote me an Account of this, it would have 
saved me twelve very anxious Days and been no loss to the Service. This 
total want of Information from all Offices gives me great uneasiness 
and puts the Government to great Expence, for when they do not 
inform me that they are to supply me, I dare not trust, and by that 
means come to be overprovided in many Articles, as I am at present in 
Working Tools, which will not be lost, but the Money needed not 

1 For words set in brackets in a.l.s. Loudoun to Cumberland letters, see the note 
on p. 234. The correct figure was £63,000. 


have been laid out so early. These were agreed for before I had the 
Honour of receiving your Royal Highness's long Letter, and till the 
Ferret Sloop arrived on the i st of this Month I have not had any Ac- 
count of any one thing that was to be sent me from any one but your 
self. I received the Secretary's Letter in Febr. acquainting me in general 
of a Reinforcement. 

Your Royal Highness will see by my Publick Letter the Accounts 
we have by the Privateers of this part, who dogg'd the French Fleet from 
Cape St Francis from the 4 th to the 12 th of this Month, and that of [by] 
the Prisoners they took in five merchant Ships, part of the Fleet of 
Merchant Men who took the Opportunity of sailing with them, for the 
Ships of War took no Charge of them. 

By their returning their Pilots, and by their leaving both the Officers 
and Sailors of the Greenwich whom they had taken, and by the Course 
they steered which was North and rather a point West, and by their 
taking no Charge of the Trade, I have no doubt of their being bound 
for Louisbourg on the River St. Lawrence. The Force of the French is 
Mons r Beaufromont in a Ship of 80 Guns, two Ships of 74 guns, two 
of 64 guns, and a Frigate of 26 guns. 

Our Situation: the Troops all embarked, most of them got down to 
the Hook, only waiting the Return of the Pilot to carry them down 
and a Wind, as tis thirty Miles of Pilot Water; our Convoy, which we 
have collected from all Places from whence we could draw any assist- 
ance, The Sutherland of 50 Guns, two 20 Gun Ships, The Nightingale 
and Kennington, and two Sloops, The Ferret and Vulture. 

In this Situation I had a Meeting with Sir Charles Hardy and M. G. 
Abercromby to concert what was proper to be done. As we have been 
able to learn nothing of the Enemy's Motions farther than the Latitude 
27, and as their Force must make an End of our Fleet immediately if 
we meet, there is Danger of die Service being disapointed; and if they 
have Intelligence of the Preparation for an Embarcation, which proba- 
bly they may, for neither the Orders from home, nor the Embargo laid 
on here have been able to prevent the People of those Provinces from 
supplying the neutral Islands with Provisions, and I have just now 
an account of three Vessels from Rhode Island going into the Cape with 
Provisions just before this Fleet sailed, in which case they may hover 
at Sea for us. And I have no certain Account of the Motions of the 
King's Fleet, but from the Secretary of State, by which they should now 
be at Halifax, tho the Account of the Master of the Packet nor the 
Merchants Letters do not mention their having sail'd so soon. 

On the other Hand if we wait for Returns from Halifax which 


probably would take a Month, the Campaign is lost and nothing can 
be done. Therefore we have unanimously determin'd to sail in four 
or five Days if the Wind will permit, and in the mean time have dis- 
patched Letters to Admiral Holbourne and the Commanding Officer 
at Halifax acquainting them with our Intelligence and our Motions; 
one Copy we have sent by Land to Boston, to be dispatched in a Sloop 
from thence, the other we have sent in a Pilot Boat thro' the Sound. 
From hence I hope this Measure will appear to your Royal Highness 
to be a right one, as in that time we shall probably hear some account 
of the Enemy if they are waiting for us. Of this last, there certainly is 
a Risk of losing those Troops, but that Risk must be run, altho they 
are of great Consequence to the Service here, for nothing can be done 
without it. 

Whilst I am writing another Captain of one of the Prizes is arrived, 
who still confirms the Intelligence we had from the other Prisoners but 
acknowledges what the others all denied: that they had Instructions 
from the Admiral, and that he took Charge of the Trade till they were 
thro' the Crossing [?; Courses], that after that he made them a Signal 
that they were to throw their Orders overboard and to make the best 
of their Way, on which he crowded all the Sail in his power and stood 
North and a point West, that sometime after he traversed and stood 
east, which he believed was to deceive them and to prevent the Merchant 
Ships being able, if they were taken, to give an Account of his Course, 
for next Morning he saw him standing west of the north again. He 
farther adds that they had heard nothing of any Preparations making 
here for embarking Troops, but that it was said the French Ships of 
War at Martinico were to join Mons r Beaufromont, and that they con- 
sisted of one Ship of 70 Guns, two of 60, and two Frigates. This In- 
telligence he had from his Brother, Master of the Tonnant, and that 
they were to sail for Canada, in which Expression they all include 

If the Fleet is arrived and can meet those parts of Fleets of the Enemy, 
they will be able to give a good account of them, but if there comes a 
Fleet from France and those large Ships now in this Country join 
them, I doubt they will be too strong, from any Account I have been 
able to pick up of the Strenth of the Fleet coming out. There is one Ac- 
count from Newry in Ireland of the Fleet being come to Cork, but all 
the other Ships that are arrived bring an Account of their having left 
them at Spithead, and of their having met with contrary Winds for 
a great while after they themselves sailed, from where I am afraid they 
are not arrived in this Country yet. 


I was in hopes of not being under a Necessity of mentioning Col. 
Prevost any more to you in this Letter, but he has put that out of my 
Power by his Behaviour. On the 24 th of May I met him on the Street 
as I was returning from Sir Charles Hardy's. The Col. was extreamly 
out of humour, and was a little indecent, and complain'd that his Bat- 
talion was not cleared and were embarked. 

I was not willing to have this Conversation in the Street and called 
M. G. Abercromby to be present, as I have not chose for a considerable 
time to have any Conversation with the Col. but before Witnesses. He 
desired I would call Lieut. Cols. Gage and Burton who were standing 
near, so those three were present at the whole with Col. Prevost, Lieut. 
Col. Young and me, where Col. Prevost behaved with more Indecency 
than I ever knew any Officer to his Supperiors, and did indeed behave 
with all the Insolence that Pride and Folly joined can make any Man 
guilty of. 

I did humble him before we parted, and let him know that such 
Behaviour was very improper in the Situation we happened at present 
to be in, and that it was such as in no Situation I would permit any 
Man to behave to me. 

Had I put him in Arrest, any Court Martial would have broke him. 
But I did not choose to carry Matters to that height, as your Royal 
Highness had brought him into the Service, for which Reasons only I 
have taken so much Pains to keep him Decent, if it had been in my 
Power. I began with him in the openest frankest Manner; that he 
cured me of presently, for he found every one thing I had done wrong 
and determin'd to set me right without good Manners. I then tried 
him by being very civil, hearing all he had to say, which seldom cost 
less than four Hours of a Day when he was in the Quarters with me, 
and after all that still every thing was to do again, for he would have 
his own Way and throw every thing into Confusion and I had an 
eternal Plague with making up Differences between him, his Battalion, 
and almost every Officer present; for it was one continual Complaint 
of his behaving in the strongest Manner to every body; for he took 
it in his Head that he would pick the four Battalions to make up his 
own to his Liking, pretended this Officer and t'other Officer were en- 
gaged to be in his Battalion and would break their Hearts and die 
if they were any where else but with him; the same with Sergeants and 
Private Men. All which I presume he will deny to your Royal Highness, 
for he denies it to me. I beg leave to give you one Instance in each 
Case. He desired to have his Brother the Capt. changed into the 4 th 
Battalion in place of Captain Gmeling, who I think will be broke, 


that is, that no Officer will ever do Duty with him on account of a Pros- 
ecution that is going on against him on tilings stole in the Transports. 
1 think him not guilty of the Theft, but he has certainly acted like a 
Fool, and there will be a legal Proof. lie desired to have Lieut. Rotzen 
changed from the i 8t Battalion, as he would die if he was not with 
him, and was to give Lieut. Gagie of his Battalion in place of him. 
These two I agreed to. I was at Philadelphia when Rot/en took leave 
of Col. Stanwix, which he did with Tears in his Eyes, and this is one 
of those People who would have died if he had been kept from that 
Battalion the Col. commanded. He at the same time got Col. Stanwix. 
to consent to allow him to take Lieut. Ellington from the i st Battalion, 
to make him act as Adjutant to his Battalion, which I likewise consented 
to, and as soon as he got back to his Battalion he began a Dispute b\ 
Letters with Col. Stanwix about Lieut. Gagie whom he himself had 
given him for Rotzen. The Dispute was like to grow warm between 
them, and I, to put an end to it, left Gagie with him, and he now insists 
to me that I have never given him the Choice of any Officer, nor showed 
him any Indulgence in any thing but in changing his Brother. Things 
were in that Situation in the 4 th Battalion that Lieut. Ellington, who 
I am told was a Sergeant Major in England but makes a very good 
Officer and knows his Duty, he has, after showing that he could be of 
no Use where he was as Adjutant, as he was not allowed to teach the 
Men the Discipline according to your Royal Highness' Orders and he 
understood no other Method, he went so far at last as to beg that I 
would return him to the i st Battalion as a Sergeant, rather than remain 
a Lieut, in the 4 th Battalion. 

As to Sergeants, I shall trouble but with one Instance which was in 
the 2 d Battalion. They were out at Exercise and he came out to see them, 
where he demanded a Sergeant in the Battalion as having been enlisted 
in Germany to serve in Col Prevost's Battalion, that he had enlisted 
with Col. Prevost, that he should fulfill his Promise to him, and that 
the Man would break his Heart and die if he was not permitted to go 
along with him. As Col. Dusseaux had drawn this Man at the forming 
the four Battalions after their Return here from Saratoga where I 
had carried the whole in one Corps after the loss of Oswego, Words 
arose, and in the mean time Major Robertson went to the Sergeant, 
who was in his Company, who did not find that the Sergeant had any 
such Plan, desired the Sergeant might be asked about this. The whole 
officers walkt up to the Man and Col. Prevost asked him if he had not a 
mind to serve in his Battalion; the Man answered he was very willing 
to serve in any Battalion. Being then asked if he had his Choice, which 


Battalion he would serve in, O Sir, if I have my Choice I will remain 
where I am. Those Sorts of Disputes have brought the Col. into great 
Disrepute among the Officers. 

The Dispute about the Private Man was this. Col. Prevost had been 
here about ten Days, had met with Col. Dusseaux every day without 
mentioning any Business to him; when he was going away, left a Mes- 
sage by a common Soldier for Col. Dusseaux, that the Soldier should 
acquaint him that he was enlisted in Germany for Col. Prevost's Bat- 
talion, that he should allow him to stay a little while where he was, 
but that he should very soon order him to his own Battalion. As Col. 
Dusseaux complained to me of having eternal Trouble with Col. 
Prevost's claiming of Men from his Battalion after they had fallen to 
him by a fair Division at forming the four Battalions, and likewise of 
the Indecency of sending such a Message by a Common Soldier, when 
he had so many opportunity's of talking to himself, when Col. Prevost 
returned I talked to him very gently before Mr Webb, showed him 
that the Men enlisted in Germany were at the common Charge of the 
four Battalions, that they were fairly divided among them and that he 
had no distinct Right to any of them, and that sending such Messages 
tended only to make ill Blood among us, and beged he would not do 
it any more. When he came back next Day, M. G. Webb likewise 
present, in the middle of a Conversation he started up to his Feet all 
at once and says, My Lord, I have examined that Man; he never earned 
any such Message; Col. Dusseaux lies (I ask Pardon for writing such a 
Word in a Letter to you, but no Word but the Word itself could have 
conveyed the Idea that he would have behaved in that manner). M. G. 
Webb who was as much provoked as I was can witness this. 

Mr Webb can likewise acquaint you with the Necessity I am under of 
having a Witness by, when I have any Business with him, as the Colo- 
nel's Head runs so fast that it leaves his Memory behind, for it does not 
only happen that next Day he denies what past, but that when Business 
has been finished as Mr Webb and I imagined and I had writ it down 
in the Col's Presence, in five Minutes after he has fore'd [faced] us down, 
in contradiction to both our Memorys and my writing, that he has never 
said one Word of it. That makes unpleasant Dealings, and makes it very 
necessary to have Witnesses. The real Case of Col. Prevost is what Col. 
Bouquet says. I give it you in his own Words, That his Prosperity has 
turned his little Headpiece. As to what he is in the Field I know not, 
but I will venture to assure Your Royal Highness that he knows nothing 
of commanding a Battalion in Quarters. 

The first thing that made a difference between him and the Officers of 



his Battalion was his having promised the Adjutancy and Quarter- 
master's Place to many different People; to get out of this, he proposed 
to name two for each and leave me to choose out of them. Before this 
happened I had seen his Disposition and had not the least Doubt that 
if I made that Choice, he would have represented to Your Royal High- 
ness that those were People of my Choice and that I had left him no 
Choice in them. Three of the four he named to me were British; I told 
him, as you had desired, these might be left, one of each of those Ranks, 
for the Gentlemen that came from foreign Service; he had but to give 
me their Names and they should have the Commissions. And I have had 
many different Sets named for it, and when I took down their Names 
I had a new Set next Day, and when he left me I had a Message for a 
new Set. At last I pinn'd him down and made my Secretary take Names 
from his own Mouth and fill them up directly. He went directly out of 
my Room into the next, and as my Secretary came out desired he would 
not fill up the Adjutants. However, as he did not talk of it to me, I went 
on and told the Col. I would give it to whomsoever he would name, but 
that Man would not make an Adjutant. He assured me again and again 
that the Man had been an Adjutant in France; that it was the thing in 
the World he was fondest of and insisted with him to have. During the 
whole time the Man himself was applying to me, saying it was totally 
against his Inclination to have that Commission, that he was not 
capable to execute it, that Col. Prevost was forcing him to accept of it, 
and that he should make so bad a figure in it that he would be undone 
by it, and begging to remain a Volunteer till I should think proper to 
make him an Ensign. And now that the Commission is vacant, begs not 
to accept, and I shall give him the first Ensigncy that is vacant and 
since the Col cannot find an Adjutant, I shall find one for him. He has 
made his Secretary Quarter Master. I have never seen him, but they tell 
me a little hump back'd Man. 

This letter is so long and undigested, which I have not time to amend, 
that I have only mentioned the Affair of the 24 th in general Terms, as 
I thought it was too long to trouble you with the Particulars. Therefore 
I have writ it to Mr Calcraft, that your Royal Highness may be able 
to come at it by Mr Fox, for I beg leave to assure Your Royal Highness 
that I have not one Secret in the World that you are not welcome to 
know, if you choose to take the trouble to look into it. 

When I began the Paragraph about Col. Prevost, I thought I had ac- 
quainted you in the former Part of this Letter that the Col. had en- 
trusted me with the Secret of his having writ to your Royal Highness to 
beg leave to resign his Commission, and that the Letter was gone a 


fortnight before by a merchant Ship, and that he had read to me in 
presence of Sir John St Clair a Paper which he said was a Copy of that 
Letter. As he mentions in that his having no Command of the Battalion, 
I asked him what he meant by that. If I had put the Command of that 
Battalion into any other Person's Hands. He said no, I had not. I then 
enquired if he meant my giving him Orders about it, if he thought 
that was interfering with him. He said after the Letter I had writ him 
about the Men to be discharged and ordering the Surgeons of the 
Hospital to review Men reported by him unfit for Service, it was im- 
possible he could have any Command after that. I said I was very 
sorry for that, as I had learned that Method under your Royal High- 
ness, and that in this particular Instance I begged him to remember 
that whilst I was at Philadelphia he had discharged a great Number of 
Men, two of which I met; the first had been but thirteen Days in the 
Regt, and was discharged for having Fitts with his Cloathing on; the 
next was a Corporal, with his Clothing and Knot; that as he was one of 
the Drafts and a Soldier that had served, I had writ him a Letter from 
the next Stage to desire no more might be discharged that were able to 
do Garrison Duty, as we could find employment for them all, and that 
I did not choose, when the Campaign was just beginning, to discharge 
Men if we could have but one Campaign of them. 

That your Royal Highness may see the whole of this Affair, I send 
enclosed Copys of those Letters which he complains of; they contain 
likewise the Complaints of the Provisions. 

I was misinformed in relation to the throwing down the fresh Pro- 
visions and trampling on them, for on farther Enquiry it proved to be 
done by some Men of the first Battalion. 

The Paragraph relating to tying Men Neck and Heels was occasioned 
by Complaints having been brought to me of Col. Prevost's having 
introduced several new Punishments, one of which was what they call 
the Book. A Soldier had got drunk, the Col. stood by and saw him tied 
in this Manner in the Evening and laid on his Face in a Corner of the 
Guard Room, with a Stick thrust thro' his Legs and Arms to prevent 
his being able to turn out of that Posture. He kept him in this Way all 
Night and next Day till the Evening before he gave Orders to untie him, 
and if the Officer of the Guard had not untied him in the Night he 
would have been dead before Morning. 

I talked to the Colonel of this as a thing done by some of his Officers, 
tho I knew he was the Person gave the Order and saw it executed; told 
him it was contrary to the Custom in the British Troops and must be 
laid aside. As the Col. after this added the Paragraph on that Subject 


in his Letter to my Aid de Camp, I thought myself under a Necessity of 
taking some Notice of it in my Answer, and the more so from other 
Accounts of the Proceedings in thai Battalion. Particularly one of the 
Drafts from Ireland had been confined, and making some Noise they 
sent in two Corporals who beat him with Sticks so that he died in ten 
Days after, without taking proper Care of him. The Man complained as 
I am informed, from that time, that he was a dying of the Bruises; this 
they huddled up, tried the Corporals by a Regimental Court Martial, 
broke them and buried the Man. By their Distance from me, this did not 
come to my knowledge for some time. I believe Col. Prevost was absent 
when this happened. 

Your Royal Highness has now the Paper relating to this Affair before 
you and you are the proper Judge whether I was entitled in these Cir- 
cumstances to write such a Letter to an Officer under my Command. 
At present I think it was my Duty to act as I did. If you think otherwise, 
I am sure I am wrong. 

I see I have neglected above to acquaint your Royal Highness that 
the next Day after Col. Prevost had complained so loudly of his Bat- 
talion not being cleared, he paid back from that Battalion £1346-5-5, 
which he himself had overdrawn for them. 

I have but one thing more to trouble your Royal Highness with, 
which is the Dating of the Commissions of the foreign Officers, which 
has puzzled me extremly, as I have had no Information to guide me 
but from Col. Prevost who has puzzled the Affair so that I do not under- 
stand it. He says that your Royal Highness had agreed to four Captains 
and four Lieutenants in place of those that did not accept. I acquainted 
your Royal Highness in a former Letter that one of those Captains and 
a Lieut, were gone back to France in the Zephir Frigate, and that by the 
Report made to me the Circumstances were not favourable, that as they 
were Prisoners I had issued no Commissions to them. 

In the end of April Capt. Bonneville and Lieut. De Noyailles arrived 
from Antigua, where the Capt. had brought the Lieut, before a Court 
of Inquiry, who, tho they could not proceed to sentence they have given 
an Opinion, and as the Proceedings were transmitted to me the Ques- 
tion arose whether in that Situation it was proper for me to issue his 
Commission, and I on this refered it to another Court of Inquiry for 
their Advice how to proceed, and I have transmitted both those to your 
Royal Highness. 

Since those, Blows have past between Captain Bonneville and him, 
and I have given Mr De Noyailles £50 to carry him home or to dispose 
of himself here as he may choose. Col. Prevost and he differ very widely 


in Accounts, but as I have had no Information of what has been ordered 
to be advanced to them, and as the Col. has settled and paid up all those 
to this time without either consulting or acquainting me with it till now 
that the Dispute among them has brought it to light, I have declined 
meddling in it till I receive Orders, or at least Information from Eng- 
land. And he goes so far as to accuse him of the refusing to account to 
him for Goods he took the Charge of to the Value of £500. All the Col. 
will say to him on that Subject is that they must have been in one of 
those Ships that fell into the Hands of the Enemy, without showing him 
any Bill of Lading. 

On the 1st of May arrived Capts. Williamouz and Dufez in the Ferret 
Sloop, still without any Directions. And prior to their arrival I received 
Orders to break the 50 th and 51 st Regts. and to place such Officers be- 
longing to them as I should judge proper to be employed to vacancies as 
they happened in the Troops here. Some of the Captains in those Corps 
had been twelve Years Captains in the Service. 

Col. Prevost argued on behalf of the foreign Gentleman that they had 
received their Pay from Christmas 1755, and that by that they were 
Captains in the Regiments from that time. On the other hand the others 
were reduced and ordered to be provided in the first Vacancies, and 
their Commissions delayed only till I should receive Orders from your 
Royal Highness and Information what Commissions had been issued 
by the King; and that Situation, as they were old Captains in the Service, 
they thought it hard to be made younger in the Regiment, when the 
Commissions were to be issued at the same time. This Affair I thought 
too big for me to determine, and as there were Six Companys vacant in 
the Royal American Regiment, four by the Captains that did not accept 
of the first nomination and two by the Death of Capts Stanwix and 
Faesch, I filled up the Commissions of the three former Captains and 
the three from the Half Pay, all of the 8 th of March, which was the Day 
after those Regiments were broke. The Rank of the Forreigners among 
themselves is settled by Col. Prevost. The British Rank is settled by their 
former Commissions, and by giving the Commissions this Date they 
come directly from their former Regiments into the Royal American 
Regt. without ever being on Half Pay. And in order to prevent the 
Seniority being determined between those two Sets of Officers till I have 
received your Orders upon it, I have divided them in the different Bat- 
talions so that they may not meet on Duty this Campaign. 

Before I took this Step I consulted with every body from whom I 
could expect Information. I acquainted Col. Prevost and Lieut. Col. 
Haldimand with the Difficultys that appeared to me, in order that all 


partys might be informed, and acquainted them that the Rank was not 
to be determined till I received your Orders. 

When the Commissions were issued, and not till then, Col. Prevost 
brought me a Letter from Capt. Bonneville to him, de< lining to accept 
of his Commission. I should have mentioned that I had not determined 
absolutely on the Dates of those Commissions till the i<)'\ and Captain 
Bonneville's Letter is dated on the 15 th . I told the Col. that if the Cap- 
tain did not choose to accept, he ought to write me a Letter, which he- 
did, and f send the Copies enclosed. I accepted of his Dismission, and at 
his Desire gave him leave to return to Europe. 

The Captain seemed to be very happy when he arrived here first, but 
from the time he returned from Col. Prevost at Amboy, I was informed 
that he talked of returning to Europe, except he was made Captain of 
the Engineers, but this is only Information. 

We have the Small Pox raging among the Troops that are embarked, 
and among the Ranging Companys. Mr Webb has it among the 
Troops, the Independent Companys, and the New York Provincials; 
it has not yet begun among the New England Provincials; but the kind 
is good and very few die, but I expect it will go over the whole Con- 
tinent. The Tenor People have for it in this Country is inexpressable, 
altho that is a good deal diminished from the Care we have taken, both 
of the People that are infected with it and to prevent its spreading. 

Sir Charles Hardy went on board last Night, June 2 d , in order to 
regulate the affairs there, and has desired me to join him on Sunday, 
but I shall go on board tomorrow. We have a Report last Night by a 
Vessel from Georgia that Mon sr Beaufromont's Fleet was lying off for 
us in Latitude 38. It appears to me to be some Ships that have sail'd 
from Virginia, now that I have examined the Master, but we have sent 
out to see who it is, and taken all necessary Precautions. I have the 
Honour to be with the greatest Respect, Sir, Your Royal Highness's 
most Dutifull and obedient Servant 

P.S. Since signing my Letter, an Express arrived from Halifax with a 
Letter from Admiral Holbourn, March 10 th , and one from M. G. Hop- 
son, Febr. 25 th , which arrived there on the 21 st of May in the Speedwell 
Capt. Bond, with an Extract of Mr. Baker's Letter, which is all the 
Letters I have received from England. Col. Lawrence mentions a 
Change in the Ministry. All quiet in Nova Scotia, but a Report of 
Indians and Canadians assembling on St. Johns River, and that they 
had sent a Sloop of War to look in there. 

New York June 3 d 1757 



List of Commissions Granted by His Excellency 
The R t Hon ble The Earl of Loudoun x 


Officers Nam 

- John Foxen . . . 
John Williams . 

James Sinclair . 
James Campbell 

Henry Alt 


dates of their Com- 


. 8. 
. 8. 

. 8. 
. 8. 

. 8. 

. 2. 

• 3- 

• 4- 

• 17- 

. 8. 

. 10. 

March 1757. 
ditto — 




From Half Pay of 511 

Changed from the 
Royal Americans 
Changed from 35th 
Changed from 45th at 
His owen & Lt Col 
Rollos Deser 
From Half Pay 511 
Son of Moss: Alt 
Ensigne in 48 1 
Ensigne in 44th 
Ensigne in the 48th 
Ensigne 48th 
Elest Ensigne 22<i 
Recomended by the 
Earl of Murray caryed 
Son to the Lt Col: 

Lieutenants ■ 

Quar. Masf 

John German . . 

k. William Hamiltc 

James Malcolm 

Lt John Rollo . 

Thomas Fortye 
William Fred* P 
Robert Bayard . 

n . . 

35 th 




8th March 1757. 

tiillips 16th May— 
8. March.- 

Half Pay r,ot 
Eldest Ensigne 35th 
Half Pay 51 1 



Archibald Lamont ... 15th May 1757. 


John Smith 


Peter Grant 16. ditto. 

Eldest Ensigne 42*1 
In place of Lt James 
Campbell who remaind 
in Irland when the 
Regt came out and has 
never Acknowledged 
the Orders I sent him 
from London by 
H R H Orders 
Caryed Armes Son of 
Cornet Smith of M G 
Payed £50 to cary En- 
signe McLagon home 
who had Sufferd him- 
self to ill used the 
Regt refused to do 
Duty with him and he 
Resigned his Commis- 

1 The notes are in Loudoun's handwriting. 



Officers Names dates of their Com 


44th Regiment 

Stephen Kemblc 3d May 1757. 

Andrew Brown 9. ditto.— 

James Dunbar 10. ditto 

Achilles Preston 14. ditto.— 




45th Regiment 
Thomas Ervin 8th March 17; 

48th Regiment 
Edmonstone .... 5* h May 1757 

Alexander Dow al .... 12. ditto- 
Robert Freser 17. ditto- 
Michael Houdin 29. April- 


Royi American Regiment. 
John Dalrymple 7th March 1757. 


Of the Jerseys had one 
of Mr Shirlys Commis- 
sions that were Supper- 

Recomended by Mr 
Brown now a Ld of 
Sesion Caryed Arms 
Caryed amies a Rela- 
tion of Lord Finlaters 
Recomended by the 1): 
of Bolton 

Those four are in 
place of the three Eld- 
est Ensignes Proniot- 
ted and Ensigne Rodes 
who resigned without 
any money 

Half Pay 50* m Place 
of Lt Campbell now in 
the 22 d 

Caryed armes Rec- 
omended by Mr Watt- 
son of Berwick 
Caryed Amies three 
years in the Resv 
Caryed Amies and was 
in the Artilery Son to 
Mr Paxton at Boston 
Is a Missionary at 
Trenton in the Jerseys 
and lived several years 
at Quebeck and is well 
aquanted with the 
Place and Country 

I bought out the 
former Chaplin for 
£300 which I pay out 
of the Stopages from 
the Absent Chaplines 
he doing the Dutty for 
them in the maintime 
he would not go with 
us without a Chap- 

As Your Roval High- 
ness made him Capt Lt 
and as he was so very 
Particular in all his 

3 6 4 



Officers Names 

dates of their Com- 


Capt Lieuts 


Royal American Regiment 

Samuel Williamos ... 8. ditto.- 
George Du Fez 8. ditto- 
Hyacinth Bonneville . 8th March 1757. 

Thomas Jocelyn 8. ditto.- 

John Bradstreet 8. ditto.- 

James DeLancey 8. ditto. 

Stephen Gaulley 21st May- 

William Stewart 25. ditto.— 

Gilbert McAdam 8. March 1757 

Samuel Holland 21st May — 

Beamsley Glazier 8. March 

John Rodolph Rhan . . 8. ditto- 
Peter Penier 8. ditto- 
John Billings 8. ditto.- 

John Poison 5. May.— 

James Caldcr 6. ditto.— 

behaviour I did not 
think him fitt to be 
Promottcd therefore 
took his Resignation 
at the Same time that 
I gave him the Com- 
mission and made him 
Exchange on Cap De- 
lancees Half Pay as he 
was put in by Your 
Royal Highness I hope 
you will not Disap- 

Brought over by Colo- 
nel Provost May it 
Brought over by Col 
Provost May it 
Brought over by Col 
Provost in the Trans- 
port that was at Ante- 
goa Did not accept his 
Half Pay 501 
Half Pay 511 
Half Pay 51 1 
Capt Lt in the Royal 
Americans in Place of 
Capt Bonneville that 
Did not Accept 
Punches Lt Col Chap- 
mans Company was the 
Eldest Lt would Pun- 

Eldest Lt in Place of 
Capt Lt John Dalrym- 
ple Promottcd 
Eldest Lt in Place of 
Capt Lt Gaulley Pro- 

Half Pay Lt of Sir Wil- 
liam Pepperels first 
Regt an Active uesfull 

Brought over by Colo- 
nel Provost he came 
in the Transport 
which was at Antego 
one of Col Provosts 
last list came out a 

Half Pay 50* as En- 
signe had a Commis- 
sion of Lt which I sup- 
Ensigne in 44th 
Ensigne in 44th 






Officers Names 

laics of their Com- 


Royal American Regiment 

Stair Campbell Carre . 



Walter Kennedy 



Michael Davis 



William Potts 



Eldest Ensignes in the 

William Jones 



"Royal American Regt 

John Hell 



Nicholas Sutherland . 



William Ryder 


ditto.— j 

Thomas Vinter 

2 f> 


Purchesed in It Wi- 
senfelts Succession the 
officers have refused to 
Do Duty with him and 
1 have allowed him to 
Sell for £150 to Pay 
his Debts and cary 
him Back to Holland 
Lt Vinter Payed £100 

James Ralfe 


. ditto.— 

Purtchesed in Lt Col 

Chapmans Succession 

Ranslaer Schuyler . . . 


. March 

Half Pay 51 1 

Peter de Witt 


st May- 

Had a Commission in 
the 511 from Mr Shir- 
lv Supperseeded by me 

John Dow 



Recomended by It Col 
Holden carved Amies 

John Rodolph Resch 


. ditto.— 

Son of Capt Rodolph 
Faesh who Died at 


Francis Gordon 


. ditto.— 

Carved armes has lived 
in South Carolina and 
Brother to a Gentle- 
man in the Shire of Air 

William McQure . . . 


. ditto — 

Enlisted for the Regt 
42 Recruts 

Arthur St Clair 


. ditto.— 

Caryed Armes Rec- 
omended by Suther- 
land of Gower and the